THE WRITINGS
THOMAS JEFFERSON
VOLUME X
1816-1826
OF THIS LETTER-PRESS EDITION
750 COPIES HA VE BEEN PRINTED FOR SALE
September, 1899
THE WRITINGS
OF
THOMAS JEFFERSON
COLLECTED AND EDITED
BY
PAUL LEICESTER FORD
VOLUME X
1816-1826
G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
NEW YORK LONDON
27 WEST TWENTY-THIRD STREET 24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND
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CONTENTS VOLUME X.
1816.
PAGE
To Col. Charles Yancey, January 6th ... i
Internal improvements — Bank mania — Bank paper — Schools
in Virginia.
To Charles Thomson, January Qth .... 5
Translation of Bible — Jefferson's religion — Health.
To Benjamin Austin,' January Qth .... 7
Lawyers — Monarchists — Fate of Europe — Dependence on
England for manufactures — Change from views in Notes on
Virginia.
To Horatio Gates Spafford, January loth . . . 12
Occupations — Not afraid of priests — New England clergy.
To Dabney Carr, January iQth . . . . . 15
Peter Carr — Origin of Committees of Correspondence.
To James Monroe, February 4th . . . . 18
Spanish America — Boundaries of Louisiana — La Harpe's
History.
To LeRoy and Bayard, April /th . . . . 21
Debt to Van Staphorst — Jefferson's financial position.
To P. S. Dupont de Nemours, April 24th ... 22
Constitution for South America — Principles of U. S. govern
ment — Moral principles in governments.
To Dr. George Logan, May iQth .... 26
Publication of private letters.
To John Taylor, May 28th 27
Taylor's Rnquity into the principles of our government —
Adams' book — Definition of Republic — U. S. government.
To Francis W. Gilmer, June 7th . . . . 31
Natural rights — Tracy's book — Indian governments — Corea.
vi CONTENTS OF VOLUME X.
To William H. Crawford, June 2oth . . . . 34
Drawbacks — Shall U. S. be commercial ? — Metal vs. paper
money.
To Samuel Kercheval, July I2th . . , 37
Virginia Constitution — General principles of government.
To Thomas Appleton, July i8th . . . , . 46
Death of Mazzei — Jefferson's debt to Mazzei.
To John Taylor, July 2ist . . . . . . 50
Schools in Virginia — County Courts.
To Joseph Delaplaine, July 26th . . . . 55
Peyton Randolph — Invasion of Virginia.
To James Madison, August 2d . . . . . 57
Visits — Mrs. Randolph's illness.
To William Wirt, September 4th .... 58
Life of Patrick Henry.
To Albert Gallatin, September 8th . , . 62
Congressional salary and changes — Drought and crops — Dis
appearance of Federalists — Virginia Constitution.
To James Monroe, October i6th '. . . <• 65
Inscription for capitol.
To Mathew Carey, November nth . . » . 67
Olive Branch — Religion.
To Dr. George Logan, November I2th . . . 68
Religion — Conduct of U. S. compared with England.
1817.
To Mrs. John Adams, January nth . . . 69
Events in France — Personal relations.
To John Adams, January nth . ... . 71
Reading — Correspondence — Tracy's writings — Religion.
To William Sampson, January 26th . . . , 73
Farming vs. manufacturing — Situation in Great Britain.
To Charles Thomson, January 2Qth .... 75
Health — Religion.
To Dr. Thomas Humphreys, February 8th , . 76
Emancipation and colonization.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME X. vii
PAGB
To Francis A. Van der Kemp, March i6th . ; 77
Threatened publication of Syllabus of Christ's doctrines —
Repository.
To Tristam Dalton, May 2d . . . 79
Agriculture.
To George Ticknor [May ?]..... 80
Internal improvements — Rumored law of New York against
Shakers.
To Marquis de Lafayette, May I7th .... 82
France — United States — Quakers — South America.
To Wilson Gary Nicholas, June loth ... 86
Byrd's journal — Loan from bank.
To Dr. John Manners, June I2th .... 86
Right of expatriation — Common law in U. S.
To F. H. A. Von Humboldt, June I3th . . . 88
Writings — Public improvements.
To Albert Gallatin, June i6th 90
Congressional salaries and changes — Recent acts — Internal
improvements — New York act against Shakers.
To Charles Clay, July I2th ..... 92
Maxims of conduct.
To Goodman, Reed, Boyer, and Duane, August 2ist 93
Pretended political opinion.
To George Ticknor, November 25th ... 94
Books — French military schools — Education in Virginia —
University of Virginia.
1818.
To William Wirt, January 5th 96
Life of Patrick Henry — Kosciusko's death and will.
To Joseph C. Cabell, January I4th . . . . 98
Cost of Virginia schools.
To Dr. Benjamin Waterhouse, March 3d . >. . 102
Statement as to Patrick Henry — John Adams.
To Nathaniel Burwell, March I4th », .; . . 104
French education — Fiction.
viii CONTENTS OF VOLUME X
PAGE
To Albert Gallatin, April 9th .. . v • . .106
Ascendency of Republican party.
To John Adams, May i/th ..... 107
Holly — Origin of Revolution — South America.
To Archibald Stuart, May 28th . . * 109
Merino sheep.
To James Wilkinson, June 25th . . . . no
Falsehood in reference to Pike's expedition — Wilson's Orni
thology.
To William H. Crawford, November loth . . in
Tariff on Wines — Evil of whiskey.
To John Adams, November I3th . . . . 113
Death of Mrs. Adams.
To Albert Gallatin, November 24th . . . .114
France — Capture of Pensacola — Western and Southern emi
gration — Public Lands — Health — Cathalan — Tracy.
To Robert Walsh, December 4th . . . .116
Franklin's enemies — Franklin and France — Anecdotes of
Franklin.
To Nathaniel Macon, January 1 2th . . . .119
Reading — Paper money.
To James Monroe, January i8th .... 122
Louisiana boundaries.
To Dr. Benjamin Waterhouse, January 3ist . . 123
Samuel Adams.
To James Madison, March 3d ..... 124
" Sour grapes " of William and Mary College — Florida — Ar-
buthnot and Ambrister.
To Dr. Vine Utley, March 2ist . . . . 125
Physical habits.
To Samuel Adams Wells, May 1 2th . . . 127
Origin of Committees of Correspondence — Galloway's history
of Declaration of Independence — McKean's recollections —
Signing of Declaration — Samuel Adams — Secret Journals.
CONTENTS OF VOL UME X. ix
PAGE
To Richard Rush, June 22d 133
Books — Banking system.
To William Wirt, June 2;th 135
Kosciusko's property and will.
To John Adams, July 9th "-136
Mecklenburg declaration — Professors for University of Vir
ginia.
To Joseph Marx, August 24th . . . . .139
Renewal of Notes — Endorser.
To Spencer Roane, September 6th . . . .140
Letters of Hampden — Encroachments of National govern
ment — Right of decision as to constitutionality.
To William Short, October 3ist . . . . 143
Jefferson an Epicurean — Classic writers — Doctrines of Christ.
To John Adams, November 7th .... 146
Illnesses — Bank-note bubble burst.
To John Nicholas, November loth .... 148
Personal relations — Nicholas corps — Invasion of Virginia.
To William C. Rives, November 28th . . .150
Bank-notes.
To John Adams, December loth . . . .151
Missouri question — Cicero — Caesar.
I82O.
To Joseph C. Cabell, January 22d . . . .154
University in Kentucky — Missouri question.
To Robert Walsh, February 6th . . . . 155
British criticisms of the United States.
To Hugh Nelson, February /th . . . . .156
Missouri question — Petitions of manufacturers.
To John Holmes, April 22d ... . . . 157
Missouri question — Emancipation — Colonization.
: To James Monroe, May I4th • .- . . . . 158
Spanish Treaty — Texas — Florida — Cuba.
To William C. Jarvis, September 28th . . . 160
Right of decision on constitutionality.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME X.
To Charles Pinckney, September 3oth . , , 161
Age — Paper vs. metallic money — Missouri question.
To J. Correa de Serra, October 24th . . » -, 163
University of Virginia — Portugal — Piracy.
To Joseph C. Cabell, November 28th . . " . 165
University of Virginia — Virginia threatened with being the
Barbary of United States — Elementary schools.
To James Madison, November 2pth .... 168
Tenche Coxe — Removals from office — Correa.
To Thomas Ritchie, December 25th . ,. . 169
Taylor's Construction Construed — Judiciary the dangerous
branch of the United States government.
To David B. Warden, December 26th . . .171
European revolutions — Banks — Missouri question — Botta's
History.
To A. C. V. C. Destutt de Tracy, December 26th . 173
Writings — South America.
To Albert Gallatin, December 26th . » . .175
European revolutions — Paper money — Governmental revenues
and expenditures — Missouri question — Pennsylvania and Vir
ginia — Emancipation and colonization.
To Marquis de Lafayette, December 26th . . 179
Health — Republicanization of Europe — Relations with Spain
— Missouri question.
1821.
To James Madison, January 1 3th .':•'•« . . 181
Treatment of typhus fever — Missouri question.
To Francis Eppes, January igth . . ' . « 182
Opinion of writings of Bolingbroke and Thomas Paine.
To Archibald Thweat, January igih ... . .184
Inroads of Federal judiciary.
To John Adams, January 22d . . .. * .185
Convention of Massachusetts — Missouri question.
To George A. Otis, February I5th . . . . 187
Feeling concerning Independence in Colonies.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME X. xi
PAGE
To Spencer Roane, March Qth 188
Corruption of government — Federal judiciary — Missouri
question.
To Samuel H. Smith, April i2th . . . 190
Debt a cause for revolution — Danger of geographical lines in
parties.
To Henry Dearborn, August i/th .... 191
Living signers of Declaration — Missouri question — Western
extension.
To Nathaniel Macon, August igth . . . .192
Jefferson's recommendation of Taylor's book — Political
measures.
To James Madison, September i6th . . . .194
Duties on books.
To Mrs. Elizabeth Page, December 8th . . .195
Revolutionary services of Thomas Nelson.
To Rev. Mr. Hatch, December 8th . . . . 197
Contribution.
To James Pleasants, December 26th . . . .197
University of Virginia — Bankrupt law — Curbing of Federal
judiciary — Cooked-up decisions.
To Thomas Mann Randolph, December 3ist . . 200
Hackley's claim — Spanish grants.
1822.
To Thomas Ritchie, January 7th .... 205
Endeavor to drag Jefferson into Presidential election.
To Jedediah Morse, March 6th ..... 203
Association for civilizing Indians — Dangers from private
societies interfering in governmental functions.
To Ritchie and Gooch, May I3th .... 208
Letter of a native Virginian — Charge of peculation against
Jefferson.
To John Adams, June 1st ... . . 213
Charles Thomson — Life — Health — European news.
To Dr. Benjamin Waterhouse, June 26th . . . 219
Doctrines of Jesus — Corrupted by Platonism.
xii CONTENTS OF VOLUME X.
To LeRoy and Bayard, July 5th . . ;. . 221
Jefferson's income — Debt to Van Staphorst.
To William Johnson, October 2/th . . . 222
Life of General Nathaniel Greene — Cooked-up decisions of
Supreme Court — Political parties.
To Marquis de Lafayette, October 28th . . . 227
Friendship — European affairs — Presidential election — Politi
cal parties.
To Albert Gallatin, October 2gth . . . .235
Presidential election — University of Virginia.
To Henry Dearborn, October 3ist . . . 236
Voyage to Lisbon — Presidential election — Political parties —
University of Virginia — Correa.
To John Adams, November ist .... 238
Origin of American navy — Proposals concerning Barbary
States — Expense of navy.
To Dr. Thomas Cooper, November 2d 242
Outbreak of fanaticism in U. S. — No professor of divinity in
University of Virginia — Opening of university.
To James Monroe, December ist . . . . 244
Mexican news.
1823.
To James Madison, January 26th .... 244
University of Virginia — Life of Gerry — Letter to Judge
Johnson.
To James Madison, February 2 1st . . . 246
President's hospitality — Financial difficulties.
To William Johnson, March 4th . . . 246
North American Re-view's notice of Life of Greene — History
of parties — Federalist chronicles — Jefferson's papers — Judiciary
encroachments.
To William Short, March 28th . t . . 249
Predictions as to Europe — Great Britain and United States.
To Samuel Smith, May 3d . . . . .251
Whiskey tax — Excise — Drunkenness in U. S. — Presidential
election.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME X. xiii
To Thomas Leiper, May 3ist 253
Grasses — Politics — Banks — Prints of Bonaparte.
To William B. Giles, June Qth 255
Education.
To James Monroe, June nth . . . . . 256
U. S. should avoid European affairs — Cuba — England and
Spain.
To James Madison, June I3th ..... 259
Washington's farewell address.
To James Madison, June 23d ..... 260
Cuba and Mexico.
To Albert Gallatin, August 2d . . . . . 261
Spain — Political parties.
To Samuel H. Smith, August 2d 263
Qualifications of President — Party of consolidation.
To George Hay, August 7th ..... 264
Letters of " Phocion" — Method of electing President.
To William B. Giles, August 2pth .... 265
W. C. Nicholas.
To James Madison, August 3Oth .... 266
Pickering's Fourth of July oration — Drafting of Declaration
of Independence — Origin of ideas.
To John Adams, September 4th .... 269
Slow progress of free ideas — Europe — John Jay.
To John Adams, October I2th 272
Old age — University of Virginia — Cunningham correspon
dence.
To James Madison, October i8th .... 275
Letter of Tenche Coxe — Controversy between partizans of
Hamilton and Pickering.
To James Monroe, October I9th .... 275
Duane.
To James Monroe, October 24th .... 277
Monroe doctrine — Great Britain.
To Marquis de Lafayette, November 4th . . 279
European affairs — Presidential election — Political parties —
Miss Wright's books — Old age.
xiv CONTENTS OF VOLUME X.
PAGE
To James Madison, November I5th .... 283
Questions with Great Britain.
To John Fry, December 2d . . ; . . 284
Gift of venison.
To William Carver, December 4th . . . . 284
Letters of Thomas Paine — Magazine — Toleration.
To Thomas Cooper, December nth . . . . 285
Class taxation — Fanaticism — University of Virginia.
To Andrew Jackson, December i8th . . . 286
Visit.
1824.
To Thomas J. Grotjan, January roth . . . 287
Maxims of conduct.
To John Davis, January i8th 287
Bancroft's sermons — Doctrines of Jesus.
To George Thacher, January 26th .... 288
Religion.
To Jared Sparks, February 4th 289
Colonization — Problem as to negro.
To James Monroe, February 5th 293
Publication of papers on Continental Congress — Coming of
Lafayette.
To Robert J. Garnett, February I4th . . . 294
Taylor's New Views of the Constitution — True relation of
national and state governments.
To James Monroe, February 24th .... 296
Applicants for office — B. Peyton.
To James Monroe, March 27th . . ..... . . 298
Relations with Edward Livingston.
To Thomas Leiper, April 3d . . . . 298
Presidential election — Relations between Pennsylvania and
Virginia.
To Edward Livingston, April 4th . . . 299
Political parties — Federal and state relations — Internal im
provements.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME X. xv
PAGE
To John H. Pleasants, April 4th .... 302
Virginia constitution.
To Richard Rush, June 5th ..... 304
Tariff of 1824 — Andrew Jackson's prospects — Crawford and
Adams.
To Martin Van Buren, June 2gth .... 305
Pickering's orations — Philippics against Adams and Jefferson
— Relations with Washington — Mazzei letter — Society of the
Cincinnati — Washington's politics.
To James Monroe, July i8th ..... 316
Applications for appointments — Conduct of England.
To Henry Lee, Jr., August roth . . . 317
Newspapers — Political parties.
To Marquis de Lafayette, September 3d . . .318
Arrival in America — Yorktown — Visit to Monticello.
To Samuel Kerchival, September 5th . . .319
Virginia constitution.
To Marquis de Lafayette, October 9th . . . 320
Tender of dinner — Recollections.
To Richard Rush, October I3th .... 322
Delirium of Lafayette's visit — Presidential election — Danger
of consolidation.
To Joseph Coolidge, October 24th .... 323
Courtship of Ellen Jefferson — Gift — Visit of Lafayette.
To Charles J. Ingersoll, October 2/th . . . 324
Walsh's book — Conduct of Great Britain.
To Thomas Leiper, December 6th .... 325
Application for office — Invitation.
To James Monroe, December I5th .... 326
Publication of letter.
1825.
To William Short, January 8th ..... 328
Writings of Harper and Otis — Hamilton a monarchist — The
two Adamses — Denny — History of American parties.
To Dr. Benjamin Waterhouse, January 8th . . 335
University of Virginia — Health of Adams.
xvi CONTENTS OF VOLUME X.
To Francis A. Van der Kemp, January nth . . 336
Adams — Flourens on nervous system.
To J. S. Johnson, February 1 3th ... . . 338
Book on Louisiana — La Harpe's History — Louisiana bound
aries.
To Thomas J. Smith, February 2 1st . . . 340
Rules for conduct.
To Augustus B. Woodward, April 3d ... 341
Authorship of Virginia constitution— Mason — Jefferson's
share in preamble.
To Henry Lee, Jr., May 8th . . . . 342
Mason the author of the Virginia Bill of Rights — Virginia's
instruction on Independence — Object of Declaration of Inde
pendence.
To Fanny Wright, August 7th . . . . . 343
Slavery.
To John Vaughan, September i6th . . . . 345
Copies of Declaration of Independence.
To Dr. James Mease, September 26th . . . 346
House where Declaration was written.
To John Adams, December i8th .... 346
Ellen Jefferson Coolidge — Jefferson's wealth — Life of R. H.
Lee.
To James Madison, December 24th .... 348
Internal improvements — Draft of protest.
To William B. Giles, December 2$th . . . . 350
J. Q. Adams and embargo — New England negotiations with
Great Britain.
To William B. Giles, December 26th . . . 357
Usurpation of national government — Course to be taken —
Publication of letter — University of Virginia.
1826.
To William F. Gordon, January 1st . i '' . . 358
111 health — Usurpation of national government — Internal im
provements.
To James Madison, January 2d . . . . 359
Internal improvements — University of Virginia.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME X. xvii
To Thomas M. Randolph, January 8th . . . 366
Private affairs.
To William Short, January i8th . . . .361
Emancipation.
Thoughts on Lotteries ...... 362
Cases in Virginia — Jefferson's services.
To Joseph C. Cabell, February /th .... 372
Lottery for Jefferson — Charges of "An American Citizen " —
University of Virginia.
To Thomas J. Randolph, February 8th . . . 374
Lottery — Despair.
To James Madison, February I7th .... 375
University of Virginia — Books — Legal training — Lottery —
Debts — Nicholas.
To Nathaniel Macon, February 2ist . . . 378
History of North Carolina.
To James Monroe, February 22d .... 379
Debts — Lottery — Virginian estate.
To George Loyall, February 22d .... 379
Lottery — University of Virginia.
To Thomas Ritchie, February 28th . . . .381
Lottery — Property.
To James Monroe, March 8th 383
Lottery — Property .
To John Q. Adams, March 3Oth .... 383
Commercial treaties.
To Edward Everett, April 8th 385
Lawfulness of slavery — U. S. constitution.
To Henry Lee, Jr., May 3<Dth 385
Lee's Memoirs — Simcoe's raid.
To Mrs. Joseph Coolidge, June 5th .... 387
Affection — Incipient courtships.
To Roger C. Weightman, June 24th . . . 390
Declines invitation to celebrate fiftieth anniversary of Inde
pendence.
Jefferson's Will 392
Jefferson's Epitaph ....... 396
ITINERARY AND CHRONOLOGY
OF
THOMAS JEFFERSON.
1816-1826.
1816.—
Apr.
May
June
July
17-30.
3-
29.
10.
Sept.
Oct.
25.
5-
16.
Oct.
Dec.
24-Dec. 5.
n.
1817.— Apr.
Apr.
July
July
Aug.
Sept.
Nov.
25-6.
28.
i.
15-
n-Setf. 18.
21.
22-Dec. 20.
Dec.
1818.— Apr.
May
July
Aug.
23-
17-May 3.
6.
3-
1-4-
7-21.
Sept.
I.
At Monticello.
At Poplar Forest.
At Monticello.
At Poplar Forest.
At Monticello.
Writes sketch of Peyton Randolph.
Proof-reads Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry.
At Poplar Forest.
At Monticello.
Writes inscription for National Capitol.
At Poplar Forest.
At Monticello.
At Poplar Forest.
At Monticello.
At Poplar Forest.
At Monticello.
At Poplar Forest.
At Monticello.
At Poplar Forest.
At Monticello.
At Poplar Forest.
At Monticello.
At Poplar Forest.
At Rockfish Gap.
At Warm Springs.
At Monticello.
Writes Anecdotes of Franklin.
ITINERARY AND CHRONOLOGY.
1819. — Apr. 22. At Poplar Forest.
May I. At Monticello.
July lO-Sept. 10. At Poplar Forest.
Sept. 14. At Monticello.
Nov. Draws Plan of circulating medium.
1820. — Sept. 13-21. At Poplar Forest.
Sept. 24. At Monticello.
Nov. 15. At Poplar Forest.
Dec. 19. At Monticello.
1821. — Oct. 20. At Buckspring.
27. At Monticello.
1822. — May Writes answer to " A Native of Virginia."
21-6. At Poplar Forest.
30. At Monticello.
1823. — May 21. At Poplar Forest.
May 27. At Monticello.
June At Bedford.
July At Monticello.
1824. — Dec. Visited by Daniel Webster.
1825. — Dec. Drafts Protest for Virginia.
1826. — Feb. Writes Notes on Lotteries.
Mar. 1 6. Executes Will.
17. Adds Codicil to Will.
June 24. Declines invitation to join in celebrating July
4th.
25. Writes last letter.
July 4. Dies.
THE WRITINGS OF
THOMAS JEFFERSON.
CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEOUS
PAPERS.
1816-1826.
TO COLONEL CHARLES YANCEY. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, January 6, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — I am favored with yours of December 24th, and
perceive you have many matters before you of great moment.
I have no fear but that the legislature will do on all of them
what is wise and just. On the particular subject of our river, in
the navigation of which our county has so great an interest, I
think the power of permitting dams to be erected across it, ought
to be taken from the courts, so far as the stream has water
enough for navigation. The value of our property is sensibly
lessened by the dam which the court of Fluvana authorized not
long since to be erected, but a little above its mouth. This
power over the value and convenience of our lands is of much
too high a character to be placed at the will of a county court,
and that of a county, too, which has not a common interest in
the preservation of the navigation for those above them. As to
the existing dams, if any conditions are proposed more than
2 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
those to which they were subjected on their original erection, I
think they would be allowed the alternative of opening a sluice
for the passage of navigation, so as to put the river into as good
a condition for navigation as it was before the erection of their
dam, or as it would be if their dam were away. Those interested
in the navigation might then use the sluices or make locks as
should be thought best. Nature and reason, as well as all our
constitutions, condemn retrospective conditions as mere acts of
power against right.
I recommend to your patronage our Central College. I look
to it as a germ from which a great tree may spread itself.
There is before the assembly a petition of a Captain Miller
which I have at heart, because I have great esteem for the peti
tioner as an honest and useful man. He is about to settle in
our county, and to establish a brewery, in which art I think him
as skilful a man as has ever come to America. I wish to see this
beverage become common instead of the whiskey which kills
one-third of our citizens and ruins their families. He is staying
with me until he can fix himself, and I should be thankful for
information from time to time of the progress of his petition.
Like a dropsical man calling out for water, water, our deluded
citizens are clamoring for more banks, more banks. The Ameri
can mind is now in that state of fever which the world has so
often seen in the history of other nations. We are under the
bank bubble, as England was under the South Sea bubble,
France under the Mississippi bubble, and as every nation is
liable to be, under whatever bubble, design, or delusion may puff
up in moments when off their guard. We are now taught to be-
believe that legerdemain tricks upon paper can produce as solid
wealth as hard labor in the earth. It is vain for common sense
to urge that nothing can produce nothing ; that it is an idle dream
to believe in a philosopher's stone which is to turn everything
into gold, and to redeem man from the original sentence of his
Maker, " in the sweat of his brow shall he eat his bread." Not
Quixot enough, however, to attempt to reason Bedlam to rights,
my anxieties are turned to the most practicable means of with
drawing us from the ruin into which we have run. Two hundred
millions of paper in the hands of the people, (and less cannot be
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 3
from the employment of a banking capital known to exceed one
hundred millions,) is a fearful tax to fall at haphazard on their
heads. The debt which purchased our independence was but of
eighty millions, of which twenty years of taxation had in 1809
paid but the one half. And what have we purchased with this
tax of two hundred millions which we are to pay by wholesale but
usury, swindling, and new forms of demoralization. Revolution
ary history has warned us of the probable moment when this base
less trash is to receive its fiat. Whenever so much of the precious
metals shall have returned into the circulation as that everyone
can get some in exchange for his produce, paper, as in the revo
lutionary war, it will experience at once an universal rejection.
When public opinion changes, it is with the rapidity of thought.
Confidence is already on the totter, and every one now handles
this paper as if playing at Robin 's alive. That in the present
state of the circulation the bank should resume payments in
specie, would require their vaults to be like the widow's cruse.
The thing to be aimed at is, that the excesses of their emissions
should be withdrawn as gradually, but as speedily, too, as is prac
ticable, without so much alarm as to bring on the crisis dreaded.
Some banks are said to be calling in their paper. But ought we
to let this depend on their discretion ? Is it not the duty of the
legislature to avert from their constituents such a catastrophe as
the extinguishment of two hundred millions of paper in their
hands? The difficulty is indeed great : and the greater, because
the patient revolts against all medicine. I am far from presuming
to say that any plan can be relied on with certainty, because
the bubble may burst from one moment to another ; but if it fails,
we shall be but where we should have been without any effort to
save ourselves. Different persons, doubtless, will devise different
schemes of relief. One would be to suppress instantly the cur
rency of all paper not issued under the authority of our State or of
the*Ceneral Government ; to interdict after a few months the cir
culation of all bills of five dollars and under : after a few months
more, all of ten dollars and under ; after other terms, those of
twenty, fifty, and so on to one hundred dollars, which last, if any
must be left in circulation, should be the lowest denomination.
These might be a convenience in mercantile transactions and
4 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
transmissions, and would be excluded by their size from ordinary
circulation. But the disease may be too pressing to await such a
remedy. With the legislature I cheerfully leave it to apply this
medicine, or no medicine at all. I am sure their intentions are
faithful ; and embarked in the same bottom, I am willing to swim
or sink with my fellow citizens. If the latter is their choice, I will
go down with them without a murmur. But my exhortation
would rather be " not to give up the ship."
I am a great friend to the improvements of roads, canals, and
schools. But I wish I could see some provision for the former
as solid as that of the latter, — something better than fog. The
literary fund is a solid provision, unless lost in the impending
bankruptcy. If the legislature would add to that a perpetual tax
of a cent a head on the population of the State, it would set
agoing at once, and forever maintain, a system of primary or
ward schools, and an university where might be taught, in its
highest degree, every branch of science useful in our time and
country ; and it would rescue us from the tax of toryism, fanati
cism, and indifferentism to their own State, which we now send
our youth to bring from those of New England. If a nation
expects to be ignorant and free, in a state of civilization, it ex
pects what never was and never will be. The functionaries of
every government have propensities to command at will the lib
erty and property of their constituents. There is no safe deposit
for these but with the people themselves ; nor can they be safe
with them without information. Where the press is free, and
every man able to read, all is safe. The frankness of this com
munication will, I am sure, suggest to you a discreet use of it.
I wish to avoid all collisions of opinion with all mankind. Show
it to Mr. Maury, with expressions of my great esteem. It pre
tends to convey no more than the opinions of one of your thou
sand constituents, and to claim no more attention than every
other of that thousand.
I will ask you once more to take care of Miller and our Col
lege, and to accept assurance of my esteem and respect.
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 5
TO CHARLES THOMSON. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, January g, 1816.
MY DEAR AND ANCIENT FRIEND, — An acquaintance
of fifty-two years, for I think ours dates from 1764,
calls for an interchange of notice now and then, that
we remain in existence, the monuments of another
age, and examples of a friendship unaffected by the
jarring elements by which we have been surrounded,
of revolutions of government, of party and of opin
ion. I am reminded of this duty by the receipt,
through our friend Dr. Patterson, of your synopsis of
the four Evangelists. I had procured it as soon as I
saw it advertised, and had become familiar with its
use ; but this copy is the more valued as it comes
from your hand. This work bears the stamp of that
accuracy which marks everything from you, and will
be useful to those who, not taking things on trust,
recur for themselves to the fountain of pure morals.
I, too, have made a wee-little book from the same
materials, which I call the Philosophy of Jesus ; it is
a paradigma of his doctrines, made by cutting the
texts out of the book, and arranging them on the
pages of a blank book, in a certain order of time or
subject. A more beautiful or precious morsel of
ethics I have never seen ; it is a document in proof
that / am a real Christian, that is to say, a disciple
of tha» doctrines of Jesus, very different from the
Platonists, who call me infidel and themselves Chris
tians and preachers of the gospel, while they draw all
their characteristic dogmas from what its author
never said nor saw. They have compounded from
6 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
the heathen mysteries a system beyond the compre
hension of man, of which the great reformer of the
vicious ethics and deism of the Jews, were he to return
on earth, would not recognize one feature. If I had
time I would add to my little book the Greek, Latin
and French texts, in columns side by side. And I
wish I could subjoin a translation of Gosindi's Syn
tagma of the doctrines of Epicurus, which, notwith
standing the calumnies of the Stoics and caricatures
of Cicero, is the most rational system remaining of
the philosophy of the ancients, as frugal of vicious
indulgence, and fruitful of virtue as the hyperbolical
extravagances of his rival sects.
I retain good health, am rather feeble to walk
much, but ride with ease, passing two or three hours
a day on horseback, and every three or four months
taking in a carriage a journey of ninety miles to a
distant possession, where I pass a good deal of my
time. My eyes need the aid of glasses by night, and
with small print in the day also ; my hearing is not
quite so sensible as it used to be ; no tooth shaking
yet, but shivering and shrinking in body from the
cold we now experience, my thermometer having
been as low as 12° this morning. My greatest op
pression is a correspondence afflictingly laborious,
the extent of which I have been long endeavoring to
curtail. This keeps me at the drudgery of the writ
ing-table all the prime hours of the day, leaving for
the gratification of my appetite for reading, only
what I can steal from the hours of sleep. Could I
reduce this epistolary corvee within the limits of my
i8:6] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 7
friends and affairs, and give the time redeemed from
it to reading and reflection, to history, ethics, mathe
matics, my life would be as happy as the infirmities
of age would admit, and I should look on its consum
mation with the composure of one " qui summum nee
me tuit diem nee op tat"
So much as to myself, and I have given you this
string of egotisms in the hope of drawing a similar
one from yourself. I have heard from others that
you retain your health, a good degree of activity, and
all the vivacity and cheerfulness of your mind, but
I wish to learn it more minutely from yourself. How
has time affected your health and spirits ? What are
your amusements, literary and social ? Tell me every
thing about yourself, because all will be interesting
to me who retains for you ever the same constant
and affectionate friendship and respect.
TO BENJAMIN AUSTIN. J.MSS.
MONTICELLO, January 9, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of December 2ist has been received,
and I am first to thank you for the pamphlet it covered. The
same description of persons which is the subject of that is so
much multiplied here too, as to be almost a grievance, and by
their numbers in the public councils, have wrested from the pub
lic hand^the direction of the pruning knife. But with us as a
body, they are republican, and mostly moderate in their views ;
so far, therefore, less objects of jealousy than with you. Your
opinions on the events which have taken place in France, are
entirely just, so far as these events are yet developed. But they
have not reached their ultimate termination. There is still an
awful void between the present and what is to be the last chap-
8 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
ter of that history ; and I fear it is to be filled with abomina
tions as frightful as those which have already disgraced it. That
nation is too high-minded, has too much innate force, intelligence
and elasticity, to remain under its present compression. Samson
will arise in his strength, as of old, and as of old will burst asunder
the withes and the cords, and the webs of the Philistines. But
what are to be the scenes of havoc and horror, and how widely
they may spread between brethren of the same house, our igno
rance of the interior feuds and antipathies of the country places
beyond our ken. It will end, nevertheless, in a representative
government, in a government in which the will of the people
will be an effective ingredient. This important element has
taken root in the European mind, and will have its growth ;
their despots, sensible of this, are already offering this modifica
tion of their governments, as if of their own accord. Instead of
the parricide treason of Bonaparte, in perverting the means con
fided to him as a republican magistrate, to the subversion of that
republic and erection of a military despotism for himself and his
family, had he used it honestly for the establishment and support
of a free government in his own country, France would now
have been in freedom and rest ; and her example operating in a
contrary direction, every nation in Europe would have had a gov
ernment over which the will of the people would have had some
control. His atrocious egotism has checked the salutary progress
of principle, and deluged it with rivers of blood which are not
yet run out. To the vast sum of devastation and of human mis
ery, of which he has been the guilty cause, much is still to be
added. But the object is fixed in the eye of nations, and they
will press on to its accomplishment and to the general ameliora
tion of the condition of man. What a germ have we planted,
and how faithfully should we cherish the parent tree at
home !
You tell me I am quoted by those who wish to continue our
dependence on England for manufactures. There was a time
when I might have been so quoted with more candor, but within
the thirty years which have since elapsed, how are circumstances
changed ! We were then in peace. Our independent place
among nations was acknowledged. A commerce which offered
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 9
the raw material in exchange for the same material after re
ceiving the last touch of industry, was worthy of welcome to all
nations. It was expected that those especially to whom manu
facturing industry was important, would cherish the friendship
of such customers by every favor, by every inducement, and par
ticularly cultivate their peace by every act of justice and friend
ship. Under this prospect the question seemed legitimate,
whether, with such an immensity of unimproved land, courting
the hand of husbandry, the industry of agriculture, or that of
manufactures, would add most to the national wealth ? And the
doubt was entertained on this consideration chiefly, that to the
labor of the husbandman a vast addition is made by the spon
taneous energies of the earth on which it is employed : for one
grain of wheat committed to the earth, she renders twenty,
thirty, and even fifty fold, whereas to the labor of the manu
facturer nothing is added. Pounds of flax, in his hands, yield, on
the contrary, but pennyweights of lace. This exchange, too, la
borious as it might seem, what a field did it promise for the occu
pations of the ocean ; what a nursery for that class of citizens
who were to exercise and maintain our equal rights on that ele
ment ? This was the state of things !in 1785, when the "Notes
on Virginia " were first printed ; when, the ocean being open to
all nations, and their common right in it acknowledged and ex
ercised under regulations sanctioned by the assent and usage of
all, it was thought that the doubt might claim some considera
tion. But who in 1785 could foresee the rapid depravity which
was to render the close of that century the disgrace of the history
of man ? Who could have imagined that the two most dis
tinguished in the rank of nations, for science and civilization,
would have suddenly descended from that honorable eminence,
and setting at defiance all those moral laws established by the
Author o£ nature between nation and nation, as between man
and man, would cover earth and sea with robberies and piracies,
merely because strong enough to do it with temporal impunity ;
and that under this disbandment of nations from social order, we
should have been despoiled of a thousand ships, and have thou
sands of our citizens reduced to Algerine slavery. Yet all this
has taken place. One of these nations interdicted to our vessels
io THE WRITINGS OF [1816
all harbors of the globe without having first proceeded to some
one of hers, there paid a tribute proportioned to the cargo, and
obtained her license to proceed to the port of destination. The
other declared them to be lawful prize if they had touched at the
port, or been visited by a ship of the enemy nation. Thus were
we completely excluded from the ocean. Compare this state of
things with that of '85, and say whether an opinion founded in
the circumstances of that day can be fairly applied to those of
the present. We have experienced what we did not then be
lieve, that there exists both profligacy and power enough to ex
clude us from the field of interchange with other nations : that
to be independent for the comforts of life we must fabricate them
ourselves. We must now place the manufacturer by the side of
the agriculturist. The former question is suppressed, or rather
assumes a new form. Shall we make our own comforts, or go
without them, at the will of a foreign nation ? He, therefore, who
is now against domestic manufacture, must be for reducing us
either to dependence on that foreign nation, or to be clothed in
skins, and to live like wild beasts in dens and caverns. I am
not one of these ; experience has taught me that manufactures
are now as necessary to our independence as to our comfort ;
and if those who quote me as of a different opinion, will keep
pace with me in purchasing nothing foreign where an equivalent
of domestic fabric can be obtained, without regard to difference
of price, it will not be our fault if we do not soon have a supply
at home equal to our demand, and wrest that weapon of distress
from the hand which has wielded it. If it shall be proposed to
go beyond our own supply, the question of '85 will then recur,
will our surplus labor be then most beneficially employed in the
culture of the earth, or in the fabrications of art ? We have time
yet for consideration, before that question will press upon us ;
and the maxim to be applied will depend on the circumstances
which shall then exist ; for in so complicated a science as politi
cal economy, no one axiom can be laid down as wise and ex
pedient for all times and circumstances, and for their contraries.
Inattention to this is what has called for this explanation, which
reflection would have rendered unnecessary with the candid,
while nothing will do it with those who use the former opinion
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. n
only as a stalking horse, to cover their disloyal propensities
to keep us in eternal vassalage to a foreign and unfriendly
people.
I salute you with assurances of great respect and esteem.1
1 Jefferson further wrote to Austin :
MONTICELLO, February 9, 1816.
SIR, — Your favor of January 25th is just now received. I am in general ex
tremely unwilling to be carried into the newspapers, no matter what the
subject ; the whole pack of the Essex kennel would open upon me. With
respect, however, to so much of my letter of January gth as relates to manu
factures, I have less repugnance, because there is perhaps a degree of duty to
avow a change of opinion called for by a change of circumstance, and es
pecially on a point now become peculiarly interesting.
What relates to Bonaparte stands on different ground. You think it will
silence the misrepresentations of my enemies as to my opinion of him. No,
Sir ; it will not silence them. They had no ground either in my words or
actions for these misrepresentations before, and cannot have less afterwards ;
nor will they calumniate less. There is, however, a consideration respecting
our own friends, which may merit attention. I have grieved to see even good
republicans so infatuated as to this man, as to consider his downfall as calami
tous to the cause of liberty. In their indignation against England which is
just, they seem to consider all her enemies as our friends, when it is well known
there was not a being on earth who bore us so deadly a hatred. In fact, he
saw nothing in this world but himself, and looked on the people under him as
his cattle, beasts for burthen and slaughter. Promises cost him nothing when
they could serve his purpose. On his return from Elba, what did he not promise ?
But those who had credited them a little, soon saw their total insignificance,
and, satisfied they could not fall under worse hands, refused every effort after
the defeat of Waterloo. Their present sufferings will have a term ; his iron
despotism would have had none. France has now a family of fools at its head,
from whom, whenever it can shake off its foreign riders, it will extort a free
constitution, or dismount them and establish some other on the solid basis of
national right. To whine after this exorcised demon is a disgrace to republi
cans, and must have arisen either from want of reflection, or the indulgence of
passion against principle. If anything I have said could lead them to take cor-
recter views, to rally to the polar principles of genuine republicanism, I could
consent that that part of my letter also should go into a newspaper. This I
leave to yourself and such candid friends as you may consult. There is one
word in the letter, however, which decency towards the allied sovereigns
requires should be softened. Instead of despots, call them rulers. The
first paragraph, too, of seven or eight lines, must be wholly omitted. Trusting
all the rest to your discretion, I salute you with great esteem and respect.
12 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
TO HORATIO GATES SPAFFORD. J.MSS.
MONTICELLO Jan. 10. 16.
DEAR SIR, — Of the last 5 months 4 have been passed at my
distant possession, to which no letters are carried to me, because
the crosspost is too circuitous and unsafe to be trusted. On my
return I find an immense accumulation of them calling for
answers, & among these your favor of the 25th ult. In this you re
quest me to examine the MS. tract it covered, to suggest amend
ments or alterations, give my remarks & opinion of the propriety
of the sentiments, point out improvements, and say whether it
should be published now. From this undertaking, my good sir,
I must pray you to excuse me. In the first place I really have
not the time to spare. My other occupations are incessant and
indispensable. Within doors and without, there is something ever
pressing, insomuch that I often have not a moment to read the
papers of the day, and if to read anything else it must be in
hours stolen from those of sleep. In the next place I have made
it a point not to meddle with the writings of others. It is un
pleasant to one's self, and generally injurious to the composition
reviewed. The train in which a man commits his own thoughts
to paper has in it generally a certain method and order. If this
be altered, interrupted, chequered by the ideas of another, the
composition becomes a medley of different views on the same
subject, incoherent & deformed. So few are my spare moments
that I have not been able even to read it through : because the
MS. is in a handwriting extremely difficult to me ; and I shall
read it with more pleasure, and more understanding in print. I
concur with you in it's design ; and as far as I have penetrated,
I find the matter good and am sure it will be useful. I hope
therefore to see it in your next magazine to be followed by many
others having the same object.
(You judge truly that I am not afraid of the priests. They
have tried upon me all their various batteries, of pious whining,
hypocritical canting, lying & slandering, without being able to
give me one moment of pain. I have contemplated their order
from the Magi of the East to the Saints of the West, and I have
found no difference of character, but of more or less caution, in
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 13
proportion to their information or ignorance of those on whom
their interested duperies were to be plaid off. Their sway in
New England is indeed formidable. No mind beyond mediocrity
dares there to develope itself. If it does, they excite against it
the public opinion which they command, & by little, but inces
sant and teasing persecutions, drive it from among them. Their
present emigrations to the Western country are real flights from
persecution, religious & political, but the abandonment of the
country by those who wish to enjoy freedom of opinion leaves
the despotism over the residue more intense, more oppressive.
They are now looking to the flesh pots of the South and aiming
at foothold there by their missionary teachers. They have lately
come forward boldly with their plan to establish ' a qualified re
ligious instructor over every thousand souls in the US." And
they seem to consider none as qualified but their own sect.
Thus, in Virginia, they say there are but 60, qualified, and that
914 are still wanting of the full quota. All besides the 60, are
'mere nominal ministers unacquainted with theology.' Now the
60. they allude to are exactly in the string of counties at the West
ern foot of the Blue ridge, settled originally by Irish presbyter-
ians, and composing precisely the tory district of the state. There
indeed is found in full vigor the hypocrisy, the despotism, and
anti-civism of the New England qualified religious instructors.
The country below the mountains, inhabited by Episcopalians,
Methodists & Baptists (under mere nominal ministers unac
quainted with theology) are pronounced ' destitute of the means
of grace, and as sitting in darkness and under the shadow of
death.' They are quite in despair too at the insufficient means
of New England to fill this fearful void, 'with Evangelical light,
with catechetical instructions, weekly lectures, & family visiting.
That Yale cannot furnish above 80. graduates annually, and Har
vard perhaps not more. That there must therefore be an imme
diate, universal, vigorous & systematic effort made to evangelize
the nation. To see that there is a a bible for every family, a
school for every district, and a qualified (i. e. Presbyterian) 'pastor
for every thousand souls ; that newspapers, tracts, magazines
must be employed ; the press be made to groan, & every pulpit
in the land to sound it's trumpet long and loud. A more homo-
i4 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
geneous' (I.E. New England) 'character must be produced
thro' the nation.' That section then of our union having lost it's
political influence by disloyalty to it's country is now to recover
it under the mask of religion. It is to send among us their Gar-
diners, their Osgoods, their Parishes & Pearsons, as apostles to
teach us their orthodoxy. This is the outline of the plan as pub
lished by Messrs. Beecher, Pearson & Co. It has uttered how
ever one truth. ' That the nation must be awaked to save itself
by it's own exertions, or we are undone.' And I trust that this
publication will do not a little to awaken it ; and that in aid of it
newspapers, tracts and magazines must sound the trumpet. Yours
I hope will make itself heard, and the louder as yours is the near
est house in the course of conflagration.) l
1 Jefferson omitted the paragraph which he bracketed as above, but he sent a
transcript of it to Thomas Ritchie, editor of the Richmond Enquirer, with the
following letter :
MONTICELLO, January 21, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — In answering the letter of a northern correspondent lately, I
indulged in a tirade against a pamphlet recently published in this quarter. On
revising my letter, however, I thought it unsafe to commit myself so far to a
stranger. I struck out the passage therefore, yet I think the pamphlet of such
a character as not to be unknown, or unnoticed by the people of the United
States. It is the most bold and impudent stride New England has ever made
in arrogating an ascendency over the rest of the Union. The first form of the
pamphlet was an address from the Reverend Lyman Beecher, chairman of the
Connecticut Society for the education of pious young men for the ministry. Its
matter was then adopted and published in a sermon by Reverend Mr. Pearson
of Andover in Massachusetts, where they have a theological college ; and where
the address " with circumstantial variations to adapt it to more general use" is
reprinted on a sheet and a half of paper, in so cheap a form as to be distributed,
I imagine, gratis, for it has a final note indicating six thousand copies of the
first edition printed. So far as it respects Virginia, the extract of my letter
gives the outline. I therefore send it to you to publish or burn, abridge or
alter, as you think best. You understand the public palate better than I do.
Only give it such a title as may lead to no suspicion from whom you receive it.
I am the more induced to offer it to you because it is possible mine may be the
only copy in the State, and because, too, it may be a propos for the petition for
the establishment of a theological society now before the legislature, and to which
they have shown the unusual respect of hearing an advocate for it at their bar.
From what quarter this theological society comes forward I know not ; perhaps
from our own tramontaine clergy, of New England religion and politics ; per
haps it is the entering wedge from its theological sister in Andover, for the body
i8i6] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 15
I have not sent your tract to the President as you requested,
fearing that if any further delay be added to that already incurred,
it will be too late for your purpose of inserting it in the January
magazine.
From contest of every kind I withdraw myself entirely. I have
served my hour, and a long one it has been. Tranquility is the
object of my remaining years, and I leave to more vigorous bodies
& minds the service which has rightfully, & in succession de
volved on them. Accept the assurances of my great respect and
esteem.
TO DABNEY CARR. j. MSS.
MONTlCELLO, January 19, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — At the date of your letter of Decem
ber the ist, I was in Bedford, and since my return, so
many letters, accumulated during my absence, have
been pressing for answers, that this is the first mo
ment I have been able to attend to the subject of
yours. While Mr. Girardin was in this neighbor
hood writing his continuation of Burke's history, I
had suggested to him a proper notice of the estab
lishment of the committee of correspondence here in
1773, and of Mr. Carr, your father, who introduced
it. He has doubtless done this, and his work is now
in the press. My books, journals of the times, &c.,
being all gone, I have nothing now but an impaired
memory to resort to for the more particular statement
you wish. But I give it with the more confidence, as I
find that'll remember old things better than new.
of "qualified religious instructors" proposed by their pious brethren of the
East " to evangelize and catechize," to edify our daughters by weekly lectures,
and our wives by " family visits" from these pious young monks from Harvard
and Yale. However, do with this what you please, and be assured of my
friendship and respect.
1 6 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
The transaction took place in the session of Assem
bly of March 1773. Patrick Henry, Richard Henry
Lee, Frank Lee, your father and myself, met by
agreement, one evening, about the close of the ses
sion, at the Raleigh Tavern, to consult on the meas
ures which the circumstances of the times seemed to
call for. We agreed, in result, that concert in the
operations of the several colonies was indispensable ;
and that to produce this, some channel of corre
spondence between them must be opened ; that there
fore, we would propose to our House the appointment
of a committee of correspondence, which should be
authorized and instructed to write to the Speakers of
the House of Representatives of the several Colonies,
recommending the appointment of similar committees
on their part, who, by a communication of sentiment
on the transactions threatening us all, might promote
a harmony of action salutary to all. This was the
substance, not pretending to remember the words.
We proposed the resolution, and your father was
agreed on to make the motion. He did it the next
day, March the i2th, with great ability, reconciling
all to it, not only by the reasonings, but by the tem
per and moderation with which it was developed. It
was adopted by a very general vote. Peyton Ran
dolph, some of us who proposed it, and who else I
do not remember, were appointed of the committee.
We immediately despatched letters by expresses to
the Speakers of all the other Assemblies. I remem
ber that Mr. Carr and myself, returning home to
gether, and conversing on the subject by the way,
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 17
concurred in the conclusion that that measure must
inevitably beget the meeting of a Congress of Dep
uties from all the colonies, for the purpose of uniting
all in the same principles and measures for the main
tenance of our rights. My memory cannot deceive
me, when I affirm that we did it in consequence of
no such proposition from any other colony. No
doubt the resolution itself and the journals of the day
will show that ours was original, and not merely re
sponsive to one from any other quarter. Yet, I am
certain I remember also, that a similar proposition,
and nearly cotemporary, was made by Massachusetts,
and that our northern messenger passed theirs on the
road. This, too, may be settled by recurrence to the
records of Massachusetts. The proposition was gen
erally acceded to by the other colonies, and the first
effect, as expected, was the meeting of a Congress at
New York the ensuing year. The committee of cor
respondence appointed by Massachusetts, as quoted
by you from Marshall, under the date of 1770, must
have been for a special purpose, and functus officio
before the date of 1773, or Massachusetts herself
would not then have proposed another. Records
should be examined to settle this accurately. I well
remember the pleasure expressed in the countenance
and conversation of the members generally, on this
debut of Mr. Carr, and the hopes they conceived as
well from the talents as the patriotism it manifested.
But he died within two months after, and in him we
lost a powerful fellow-laborer. His character was of
a high order. A spotless integrity, sound judgment,
1 8 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
handsome imagination, enriched by education and
reading, quick and clear in his conceptions, of correct
and ready elocution, impressing every hearer with the
sincerity of the heart from which it flowed. His
firmness was inflexible in whatever he thought was
right; but when no moral principle stood in the way,
never had man more of the milk of human kindness,
of indulgence, of softness, of pleasantry of conversa
tion and conduct. The number of his friends, and
the warmth of their affection, were proofs of his worth,
and of their estimate of it. To give to those now
living, an idea of the affliction produced by his death
in the minds of all who knew him, I liken it to that
lately felt by themselves on the death of his eldest
son, Peter Carr, so like him in all his endowments
and moral qualities, and whose recollection can never
recur without a deep-drawn sigh from the bosom of
any one who knew him. You mention that I showed
you an inscription I had proposed for the tomb stone
of your father. Did I leave it in your hands to be
copied ? I ask the question, not that I have any
such recollection, but that I find it no longer in the
place of its deposit, and think I never took it out but
on that occasion. Ever and affectionately yours.
TO JAMES MONROE. J.MSS.
MONTICELLO, February 4, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — Your letter concerning that of General Scott is
received, and his is now returned. I am very thankful for these
communications. From forty years' experience of the wretched
guess-work of the newspapers of what is not done in open day
light, and of their falsehood even as to that, I rarely think them
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 19
worth reading, and almost never worth notice. A ray, therefore,
now and then, from the fountain of light, is like sight restored
to the blind. It tells me where I am ; and that to a mariner who
has long been without sight of land or sun, is a rallying of reck
oning which places him at ease. The ground you have taken
with Spain is sound in every part. It is the true ground, es
pecially, as to the South Americans. When subjects are able to
maintain themselves in the field, they are then an independent
power as to all neutral nations, are entitled to their commerce,
and to protection within their limits. Every kindness which can
be shown the South Americans, every friendly office and aid
within the limits of the law of nations, I would extend to them,
without fearing Spain or her Swiss auxiliaries. For this is but
an assertion of our own independence. But to join in their war,
as General Scott proposes, and to which even some members of
Congress seem to squint, is what we ought not to do as yet. On
the question of our interest in their independence, were that alone
a sufficient motive of action, much may be said on both sides.
When they are free, they will drive every article of our produce
from every market, by underselling it, and change the condition
of our existence, forcing us into other habits and pursuits. We
shall, indeed, have in exchange some commerce with them, but
in what I know not, for we shall have nothing to offer which
they cannot raise cheaper ; and their separation from Spain seals
our everlasting peace with her. On the other hand, so long as
they are dependent, Spain, from her jealousy, is our natural
enemy, and always in either open or secret hostility with us.
These countries, too, in war, will be a powerful weight in her
scale, and, in peace, totally shut to us. Interest then, on the
whole, would wish their independence, and justice makes the
wish a duty. They have a right to be free, and we a right to
aid them, as a strong man has a right to assist a weak one as
sailed by a robber or murderer. That a war is brewing between
us and Spain cannot be doubted. When that disposition is ma
tured on both sides, and open rupture can no longer be deferred,
then will be the time for our joining the South Americans, and
entering into treaties of alliance with them. There will then be
but one opinion, at home or abroad, that we shall be justifiable
20 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
in choosing to have them with us, rather than against us. In
the meantime, they will have organized regular governments,
and perhaps have formed themselves into one or more confeder
acies ; more than one I hope, as in single mass they would be a
very formidable neighbor. The geography of their country
seems to indicate three : i. What is north of the Isthmus. 2.
What is south of it on the Atlantic ; and 3. The southern part
on the Pacific. In this form, we might be the balancing power.
A propos of the dispute with Spain, as to the boundary of Louis
iana. On our acquisition of that country, there was found in pos
session of the family of the late Governor Messier, a most valuable
and original MS. history of the settlement of Louisiana by the
French, written by Bernard de la Harpe, a principal agent
through the whole of it. It commences with the first permanent
settlement of 1699, (that by de la Salle in 1684, having been
broken up,) and continues to 1723, and shows clearly the con.
tinual claim of France to the Province of Texas, as far as the
Rio Bravo, and to all the waters running into the Mississippi, and
how, by the roguery of St. Denis, an agent of Crozat the mer
chant, to whom the colony was granted for ten years, the settle
ments of the Spaniards at Nacadoches, Adais, Assinays, and
Natchitoches, were fraudulently invited and connived at. Cro-
zat's object was commerce, and especially contraband, with the
Spaniards, and these posts were settled as convenient smuggling
stages on the way to Mexico. The history bears such marks of
authenticity as place it beyond question. Governor Claiborne
obtained the MS. for us, and thinking it too hazardous to risk its
loss by the way, unless a copy were retained, he had a copy
taken. The original having arrived safe at Washington, he sent
me the copy, which I now have. Is the original still in your
office ? or was it among the papers burnt by the British ? If lost,
I will send you my copy ; if preserved, it is my wish to deposit
the copy for safe keeping with the Philosophical Society at
Philadelphia, where it will be safer than on my shelves. I da
not mean that any part of this letter shall give to yourself the
trouble of an answer ; only desire Mr. Graham to see if the origi
nal still exists in your office, and to drop me a line saying yea or
nay ; and I shall know what to do. Indeed the MS. ought to
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 21
be printed, and I see a note to my copy which shows it has been
in contemplation, and that it was computed to be of twenty
sheets at sixteen dollars a sheet, for three hundred and twenty
copies, which would sell at one dollar apiece, and reimburse the
expense. * * *
TO LEROY AND BAYARD. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Apr. 7, 16.
GENTLEMEN, — I received by our last mail only, your favor of
Mar. 19, reminding me of a very ancient and very just debt to
Messrs. Van Staphorsts, and which I ought certainly long ago to
have replaced to them, unasked. But, engaged constantly in
offices of more expence than compensation, our means are ever
absorbed as soon as received by the needy who press, while the
indulgent lie over for a moment of greater convenience. Yet
ancient and just as is this debt, it presents itself at a moment
when I am not prepared to meet it. I am a landholder, and de
pend on the income of my farms. Three years of war & close
blockade of the Chesapeak compleatly sunk the produce of those
three years, and the year of peace which has followed has barely
met arrearages and taxes. Commerce and free markets being
now restored to us, we may count on the future with more cer
tainty. I shall be able to pay off one of my bonds \torn\ at the
date of a year from this time, and one other each year after until
the three are discharged. I hope that this arrangement will be
acceptable to Messrs. Van Staphorsts, and that their indulgence
will not be withdrawn suddenly and all at once. With the for
bearance I ask, I shall replace their money from annual income
which I can spare, and be saved the regret of injuriously mutilat
ing my landed property. It will give me great pleasure to learn
that the measure of kindness hitherto shewn, will be filled up by
so mucfr further forbearance, as will make it in the end, as it was
in the beginning, a salutary accommodation. Accept the assur
ances of my great esteem & respect.1
1 On August 15, 1816, Jefferson wrote to Leroy and Bayard.
MONTICELLO, Aug. 15, 16.
GENTLEMEN, — Your favor of the 7th is received, and I shall endeavor to
22 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
TO P. S. DUPONT DE NEMOURS. j. MSS.
POPLAR FOREST, April 24, 1816.
I received, my dear friend, your letter covering the constitution
for your Equinoctial republics, just as I was setting out for this
place. I brought it with me, and have read it with great satis
faction. I suppose it well formed for those for whom it was in
tended, and the excellence of every government is its adaptation
to the state of those to be governed by it. For us it would not
do. Distinguishing between the structure of the government and
the moral principles on which you prescribe its administration,
with the latter we concur cordially, with the former we should
not. We of the United States, you know, are constitutionally
and conscientiously democrats. We consider society as one of
the natural wants with which man has been created ; that he has
been endowed with faculties and qualities to effect its satisfaction
by concurrence of others having the same want ; that when, by
the exercise of these faculties, he has procured a state of society,
it is one of his acquisitions which he has a right to regulate and
control, jointly indeed with all those who have concurred in the
procurement, whom he cannot exclude from its use or direction
more than they him. We think experience has proved it safer,
for the mass of individuals composing the society, to reserve
to themselves personally the exercise of all rightful powers to
which they are competent, and to delegate those to which they
are not competent to deputies named, and removable for unfaith
ful conduct, by themselves immediately. Hence, with us, the
people (by which is meant the mass of individuals composing the
society) being competent to judge of the facts occurring in ordi
nary life, they have retained the functions of judges of facts,
under the name of jurors ; but being unqualified for the manage
ment of affairs requiring intelligence above the common level,
comply as exactly as in my power with the instalments with which Messrs. Van
Staphorsts are so kind as to indulge me. My resources are those of a farmer,
depending on the produce of my farms, which is usually sold in April or May,
but sometimes necessarily on some credit to avoid sacrificing it, which I am
sure the kind motives of the loan would spare were these causes at any time to
oblige me to overrun the exact day. Accept my thanks for your friendly in
termediation in this business and the assurance of my great esteem and respect.
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 23
yet competent judges of human character, they chose, for their
management, representatives, some by themselves immediately,
others by electors chosen by themselves. Thus our President is
chosen by ourselves, directly in practice, for we vote for A as
elector only on the condition he will vote for B, our representa
tives by ourselves immediately, our Senate and judges of law
through electors chosen by ourselves. And we believe that this
proximate choice and power of removal is the best security which
experience has sanctioned for ensuring an honest conduct in the
functionaries of society. Your three or four alembications have
indeed a seducing appearance. We should conceive primd facie,
that the last extract would be the pure alcohol of the substance,
three or four times rectified. But in proportion as they are more
and more sublimated, they are also farther and farther removed
from the control of the society ; and the human character, we
believe, requires in general constant and immediate control, to
prevent its being biased from right by the seductions of self-love.
Your process produces therefore a structure of government from
which the fundamental principle of ours is excluded. You first
set down as zeros all individuals not having lands, which are
the greater number in every society of long standing. Those
holding lands are permitted to manage in person the small affairs
of their commune or corporation, and to elect a deputy for the
canton ; in which election, too, every one's vote is to be an unit,
a plurality, or a fraction, in proportion to his landed possessions.
The assemblies of cantons, then, elect for the districts ; those of
districts for circles ; and those of circles for the national assem
blies. Some of these highest councils, too, are in a considerable
degree self-elected, the regency partially, the judiciary entirely,
and some are for life. Whenever, therefore, an esprit de corps,
or of party, gets possession of them, which experience shows to
be inevitable, there are no means of breaking it up, for they will
never elfcct but those of their own spirit. Juries are allowed in
criminal cases only. I acknowledge myself strong in affection to
our own form, yet both of us act and think from the same mo
tive, we both consider the people as our children, and love them
with parental affection. But you love them as infants whom you
are afraid to trust without nurses ; and I as adults whom I freely
24 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
leave to self-government. And you are right in the case referred
to you ; my criticism being built on a state of society not under
your contemplation. It is, in fact, like a critic on Homer by the
laws of the Drama.
But when we come to the moral principles on which the gov
ernment is to be administered, we come to what is proper for all
conditions of society. I meet you there in all the benevolence
and rectitude of your native character ; and I love myself always
most where I concur most with you. Liberty, truth, probity,
honor, are declared to be the four cardinal principles of your
society. I believe with you that morality, compassion, generosity,
are innate elements of the human constitution ; that there exists
a right independent of force ; that a right to property is founded
in our natural wants, in the means with which we are endowed to
satisfy these wants, and the right to what we acquire by those
means without violating the similar rights of other sensible
beings ; that no one has a right to obstruct another, exercising
his faculties innocently for the relief of sensibilities made a part
of his nature ; that justice is the fundamental law of society ;
that the majority, oppressing an individual, is guilty of a crime,
abuses its strength, and by acting on the law of the strongest
breaks up the foundations of society ; that action by the citizens
in person, in affairs within their reach and competence, and in
all others by representatives, chosen immediately, and removable
by themselves, constitutes the essence of a republic ; that all
governments are more or less republican in proportion as this
principle enters more or less into their composition ; and that a
government by representation is capable of extension over a
greater surface of country than one of any other form These,
my friend, are the essentials in which you and I agree ; however,
in our zeal for their maintenance, we may be perplexed and di
varicate, as to the structure of society most likely to secure them.
In the constitution of Spain, as proposed by the late Cortes,
there was a principle entirely new to me, and not noticed in
yours, that no person, born after that day, should ever acquire
the rights of citizenship until he could read and write. It is im
possible sufficiently to estimate the wisdom of this provision. Of
all those which have been thought of for securing fidelity in the
i8i6] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 25
administration of the government, constant ralliance $o the prin
ciples of the constitution, and progressive amendments with the
progressive advances of the human mind, or changes in human
affairs, it is the most effectual. Enlighten the people generally,
and tyranny and oppressions of body and mind will vanish like
evil spirits at the dawn of day. Although I do not, with some
enthusiasts, believe that the human condition will ever advance
to such a state of perfection as that there shall no longer be pain
or vice in the world, yet I believe it susceptible of much improve
ment, and most of all, in matters of government and religion ;
and that the diffusion of knowledge among the people is to be
the instrument by which it is to be effected. The constitution of
the Cortes had defects enough ; but when I saw in it this amend
atory provision, I was satisfied all would come right in time,
under its salutary operation. No people have more need of a
similar provision than those for whom you have felt so much
interest. No mortal wishes them more success than I do. But
if what I have heard of the ignorance and bigotry of the mass be
true, I doubt their capacity to understand and to support a free
government ; and fear that their emancipation from the foreign
tyranny of Spain, will result in a military despotism at home.
Palacios may be great ; others may be great ; but it is the multi
tude which possess force : and wisdom must yield to that. For
such a condition of society, the constitution you have devised is
probably the best imaginable. It is certainly calculated to elicit
the best talents ; although perhaps not well guarded against the
egoism of its functionaries. But that egoism will be light in
comparison with the pressure of a military despot, and his army
of Janissaries. Like Solon to the Athenians, you have given to
your Columbians, not the best possible government, but the best
they can bear. By-the-bye, I wish you had called them the
Columbian republics, to distinguish them from our American
republics. Theirs would be the most honorable name, and they
best entitled to it ; for Columbus discovered their continent, but
never saw ours.
To them liberty and happiness ; to you the meed of wisdom
and goodness in teaching them how to attain them, with the
affectionate respect and friendship of,
26 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
TO DR. GEORGE LOGAN. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, May 19. 16.
It gives me the greatest pain, dear Sir, to make a serious com
plaint to you. From the letter which I wrote you on the 3d of
Oct. 1813. an extract was published with my name, in the news
papers, conveying a very just, but certainly a very harsh censure
on Bonaparte. This produced to me more complaints from my best
friends, and called for more explanations than any transaction of
my life had ever done. They inferred from this partial extract an
approbation of the conduct of England, which yet the same letter
had censured with equal rigour. It produced too from the Minister
of Bonaparte a complaint, not indeed formal, for I was but a pri
vate citizen, but serious, of my volunteering with England in the
abuse of his sovereign. It was incumbent on me to explain, by
declaring to a member of the government that the extract was
partial, and it's publication unauthorised. Notwithstanding the
pain which this act had cost me, considering it on your part but
as a mere inadvertence, on the receipt of your letter of Aug. 16.
15. I wrote an answer of Oct. 13. & again on receipt of that of
the 27th Ult. I had begun an answer, when the arrival of our
mail put into my hands a newspaper containing at full length
mine of Oct. 13. It became necessary then to ask myself seriously
whether I meant to enter as a political champion in the field of
the newspapers ? He who does this throws the gauntlet of chal
lenge to every one who will take it up. It behoves him then to
weigh maturely every sentiment, every fact, every sentence and
syllable he commits to paper, and to be certain that he is ready
with reason, and testimony to maintain every tittle before the tri
bunal of the public. But this is not our purpose when we write
to a friend. We are careless, incorrect, in haste, perhaps under
some transient excitement, and we hazard things without reflec
tion, because without consequence in the bosom of a friend.
Perhaps it may be said that the letter of Oct. 15 contained nothing
offensive to others, nothing which could injure myself. It con
tained reprobation of the murders and desolations committed by
the French nation, under their leader Bonaparte. It contained a
condemnation of the allied powers for seizing and taking to them
selves independent & unoffending countries, because too weak to
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 27
defend themselves. In this they had done wrong, but was it my
business to become the public accuser ? And to undertake be
fore the world to renounce their iniquities ? And do you not
think I had a right to decide this for myself ? And to say whether
the sentiments I trusted to you were meant for the whole world ?
I am sure that on reflection you will perceive that I ought to have
been consulted.
I might have manifested my dissatisfaction by a silent reserve
of all answer. But this would have offered a blank, which might
have been filled up with erroneous imputations of sentiment. I
prefer candid and open expression. No change of good will to
you, none in my estimate of your integrity or understanding, has
taken place, except as to your particular opinion on the rights of
correspondence : and I pray you especially to assure Mrs. Logan
of my constant and affectionate esteem & attachment, the just
tribute of a respect for the virtues of her heart & head.1
TO JOHN TAYLOR. J.MSS.
MONTICELLO, May 28, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — On my return from a long journey and considera
ble absence from home, I found here the copy of your " Enquiry
into the principles of our government," which you had been so
1 Jefferson further wrote to Logan.
MONTICELLO, June 20. 1816.
Dear Sir, — Your favor of the 5th is now received. I never doubted the
purity of your intentions in the publications of which I complained ; but the
correctness only of committing to the public a private correspondence not in
tended for their eye. As to federal slanders, I never wished them to be answered,
but by the tenor of my life, half a century of which has been on a theatre at
which the public have been spectators, and competent judges of it's merit.
Their approbation has taught a lesson, useful to the world, that the man who
fears no truths has nothing to fear from lies. I should have fancied myself
half guilty had I condescended to put pen to paper in refutation of their false
hoods, or drawn to them respect by any notice from myself. But let all this
be forgotten. Knowing now my repugnance to take any part in public discus
sions, I shall be confident in future of being spared that pain, and avail myself
freely of every occasion of renewing to Mrs. Logan and yourself the assurance
of my sincere & friendly remembrance, respect and attachment.
28 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
kind as to send me ; and for which I pray you to accept my
thanks. The difficulties of getting new works in our situation, in
land and without a single bookstore, are such as had prevented
my obtaining a copy before ; and letters which had accumulated
during my absence, and were calling for answers, have not yet
permitted me to give to the whole a thorough reading ; yet cer
tain that you and I could not think differently on the fundamen
tals of rightful government, I was impatient, and availed myself
of the intervals of repose from the writing table, to obtain a cur
sory idea of the body of the work.
I see in it much matter for profound reflection ; much which
should confirm our adhesion, in practice, to the good principles
of our constitution, and fix our attention on what is yet to be
made good. The sixth section on the good moral principles of
our government, I found so interesting and replete with sound
principles, as to postpone my letter-writing to its thorough peru
sal and consideration. Besides much other good matter, it set
tles unanswerably the right of instructing representatives, and
their duty to obey. The system of banking we have both
equally and ever reprobated. I contemplate it as a blot left in
all our constitutions, which, if not covered, will end in their de
struction, which is already hit by the gamblers in corruption, and
is sweeping away in its progress the fortunes and morals of our
citizens. Funding I consider as limited, rightfully, to a redemp
tion of the debt within the lives of a majority of the generation
contracting it ; every generation coming equally, by the laws of
the Creator of the world, to the free possession of the earth he
made for their subsistence, unincumbered by their predecessors,
who, like them, were but tenants for life. You have successfully
and completely pulverized Mr. Adams' system of orders, and his
opening the mantle of republicanism to every government of
laws, whether consistent or not with natural right. Indeed, it
must be acknowledged, that the term republic is of very vague
application in every language. Witness the self-styled republics
of Holland, Switzerland, Genoa, Venice, Poland. Were I to as
sign to this term a precise and definite idea, I would say, purely
and simply, it means a government by its citizens in mass, acting
directly and personally, according to rules established by the ma-
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 29
jority ; and that every other government is more or less repub
lican, in proportion as it has in its composition more or less of
this ingredient of the direct action of the citizens. Such a gov
ernment is evidently restrained to very narrow limits of space
and population. I doubt if it would be practicable beyond the
extent of a New England township. The first shade from this
pure element, which, like that of pure vital air, cannot sustain
life of itself, would be where the powers of the government, being
divided, should be exercised each by representatives chosen
either pro hac vice, or for such short terms as should render secure
the duty of expressing the will of their constituents. This I
should consider as the nearest approach to a pure republic,
which is practicable on a large scale of country or population.
And we have examples of it in some of our State constitutions,
which, if not poisoned by priest-craft, would prove its excellence
over all mixtures with other elements ; and, with only equal
doses of poison, would still be the best. Other shades of re
publicanism may be found in other forms of government, where
the executive, judiciary and legislative functions, and the differ
ent branches of the latter, are chosen by the people more or less
directly, for longer terms of years or for life, or made hereditary ;
or where there are mixtures of authorities, some dependent on,
and others independent of the people. The further the depart
ure from direct and constant control by the citizens, the less has
the government of the ingredient of republicanism ; evidently
none where the authorities are hereditary, as in France, Venice,
&c., or self-chosen, as in Holland ; and little, where for life, in
proportion as the life continues in being after the act of election.
The purest republican feature in the government of our own
State, is the House of Representatives. The Senate is equally so
the first year, less the second, and so on. The Executive still
less, bemuse not chosen by the people directly. The Judiciary
seriously anti-republican, because for life ; and the national arm
wielded, as you observe, by military leaders, irresponsible but to
themselves. Add to this the vicious constitution of our county
courts (to whom the justice, the executive administration, the
taxation, police, the military appointments of the county, and
nearly all our daily concerns are confided), self-appointed, self-
30 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
continued, holding their authorities for life, and with an impossi
bility of breaking in on the perpetual succession of any faction
once possessed of the bench. They are in truth, the executive,
the judiciary, and the military of their respective counties, and
the sum of the counties makes the State. And add, also, that one
half of our brethren who fight and pay taxes, are excluded, like
Helots, from the rights of representation, as if society were insti
tuted for the soil, and not for the men inhabiting it ; or one half
of these could dispose of the rights and the will of the other half,
without their consent.
" What constitutes a State ?
Not high-raised battlements, or labor'd mound,
Thick wall, or moated gate ;
Not cities proud, with spires and turrets crown'd ;
No : men, high minded men ;
Men, who their duties know ;
But know their rights ; and knowing, dare maintain.
These constitute a State."
In the General Government, the House of Representatives is
mainly republican ; the Senate scarcely so at all, as not elected
by the people directly, and so long secured even against those
who do elect them ; the Executive more republican than the
Senate, from its shorter term, its election by the people, in prac
tice, (for they vote for A only on an assurance that he will vote for
B,) and because, in practice also, a principle of rotation seems to
be in a course of establishment ; the judiciary independent of
the nation, their coercion by impeachment being found nugatory.
If, then, the control of the people over the organs of their
government be the measure of its republicanism, and I confess I
know no other measure, it must be agreed that our governments
have much less of republicanism than ought to have been ex
pected ; in other words, that the people have less regular control
over their agents, than their rights and their interests require.
And this I ascribe, not to any want of republican dispositions in
those who formed these constitutions, but to a submission of true
principle to European authorities, to speculators on government,
whose fears of the people have been inspired by the populace of
their own great cities, and were unjustly entertained against the
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 31
independent, the happy, and therefore orderly citizens 'of the
United States. Much I apprehend that the golden moment is
past for reforming these heresies. The functionaries of public
power rarely strengthen in their dispositions to abridge it, and an
unorganized call for timely amendment is not likely to prevail
against an organized opposition to it. We are always told that
things are going on well ; why change them ? " Chi sta bene,
non si muove" said the Italian, " let him who stands well, stand
still." This is true ; and I verily believe they would go on well
with us under an absolute monarch, while our present character
remains, of order, industry and love of peace, and restrained, as
he would be, by the proper spirit of the people. But it is while
it remains such, we should provide against the consequences of its
deterioration. And let us rest in the hope that it will yet be done,
and spare ourselves the pain of evils which may never happen.
On this view of the import of the term republic, instead of say
ing, as has been said, " that it may mean anything or nothing,"
we may say with truth and meaning, that governments are more
or less republican as they have more or less of the element of
popular election and control in their composition ; and believing,
as I do, that the mass of the citizens is the safest depository of
their own rights, and especially, that the evils flowing from the
duperies of the people, are less injurious than those from the
egoism of their agents, I am a friend to that composition of gov
ernment which has in it the most of this ingredient. And I
sincerely believe, with you, that banking establishments are more
dangerous than standing armies ; and that the principle of spend
ing money to be paid by posterity, under the name of funding,
is but swindling futurity on a large scale.
I salute you with constant friendship and respect.
TO FRANCIS W. GILMER. J.MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 7, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — I received a few days ago from Mr. Dupont the
enclosed manuscript, with permission to read it, and a request,
when read, to forward it to you, in expectation that you would
translate it. It is well worthy of publication for the instruction
32 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
of our citizens, being profound, sound, and short. Our legisla
tors are not sufficiently apprized of the rightful limits of their
power ; that their true office is to declare and enforce only our
natural rights and duties, and to take none of them from us. No
man has a natural right to commit aggression on the equal rights
of another ; and this is all from which the laws ought to restrain
him ; every man is under the natural duty of contributing to the
necessities of the society ; and this is all the laws should enforce
on him ; and, no man having a natural right to be the judge
between himself and another, it is his natural duty to submit to
the umpirage of an impartial third. When the laws have de
clared and enforced all this, they have fulfilled their functions,
and the idea is quite unfounded, that on entering into society we
give up any natural right. The trial of every law by one of
these texts, would lessen much the labors of our legislators, and
lighten equally our municipal codes. There is a work of the
first order of merit now in the press at Washington, by Destutt
Tracy, on the subject of political economy, which he brings into
the compass of three hundred pages, octavo. In a preliminary
discourse on the origin of the right of property, he coincides
much with the principles of the present manuscript ; but is more
developed, more demonstrative. He promises a future work on
morals, in which I lament to see that he will adopt the princi
ples of Hobbes, or humiliation to human nature ; that the sense
of justice and injustice is not derived from our natural organ
ization, but founded on convention only. I lament this the
more, as he is unquestionably the ablest writer living, on abstract
subjects. Assuming the fact, that the earth has been created in
time, and consequently the dogma of final causes, we yield, of
course to this short syllogism. Man was created for social
intercourse ; but social intercourse cannot be maintained with
out a sense of justice ; then man must have been created with a
sense of justice. There is an error into which most of the specu
lators on government have fallen, and which the well-known state
of society of our Indians ought, before now, to have corrected.
In their hypothesis of the origin of government, they suppose it
to have commenced in the patriarchal or monarchical form. Our
Indians are evidently in that state of nature which has passed
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 33
the association of a single family ; and not yet submitted to the
authority of positive laws, or of any acknowledged magistrate.
Every man, with them, is perfectly free to follow his own inclina
tions. But if, in doing this, he violates the rights of another,
if the case be slight, he is punished by the disesteem of his so
ciety, or, as we say, by public opinion ; if serious, he is toma
hawked as a dangerous enemy. Their leaders conduct them by
the influence of their character only ; and they follow, or not,
as they please, him of whose character for wisdom or war they
have the highest opinion. Hence the origin of the parties
among them adhering to different leaders, and governed by their
advice, not by their command. The Cherokees, the only tribe
I know to be contemplating the establishment of regular laws,
magistrates, and government, propose a government of represen
tatives, elected from every town. But of all things, they least
think of subjecting themselves to the will of one man. This,
the only instance of actual fact within our knowledge, will be then
a beginning by republican, and not by patriarchal or monarchi
cal government, as speculative writers have generally conjectured.
We have to join in mutual congratulations on the appointment
of our friend Correa, to be minister or envoy of Portugal, here.
This, I hope, will give him to us for life. Nor will it at all inter
fere with his botanical rambles or journeys. The government of
Portugal is so peaceable and inoffensive, that it has never any al
tercations with its friends. If their minister abroad writes them
once a quarter that all is well, they desire no more. I learn,
(though not from Correa himself,) that he thinks of paying us a
visit as soon as he is through his course of lectures. Not to lose
this happiness again by my absence, I have informed him I shall
set out for Poplar Forest the 20th instant, and be back the first
week of^uly. I wish you and he could concert your movements
so as to meet here, and that you would make this your head
quarters. It is a good central point from which to visit your con
nections ; and you know our practice of placing our guests at
their ease, by showing them we are so ourselves and that we fol
low our necessary vocations, instead of fatiguing them by hanging
unremittingly on their shoulders. I salute you with affectionate
esteem and respect.
VOL. X.— 3
34 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
TO WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 20, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — I am about to sin against all discretion, and know
ingly, by adding to the drudgery of your letter-reading, this ac
knowledgment of the receipt of your favor of May the 3ist, with
the papers it covered. I cannot, however, deny myself the grati
fication of expressing the satisfaction I have received, not only
from the general statement of affairs at Paris, in yours of Decem
ber the i zth, 1814, (as a matter of history which I had not be
fore received,) but most especially and superlatively, from the
perusal of your letter of the 8th of the same month to Mr. Fisk,
on the subject of draw-backs. This most heterogeneous prin
ciple was transplanted into ours from the British system, by a
man whose mind was really powerful, but chained by native par
tialities to everything English ; who had formed exaggerated
ideas of the superior perfection of the English constitution, the
superior wisdom of their government, and sincerely believed it
for the good of this country to make them their model in every
thing ; without considering that what might be wise and good
for a nation essentially commercial, and entangled in complicated
intercourse with numerous and powerful neighbors, might not be
so for one essentially agricultural, and insulated by nature from
the abusive governments of the old world.
The exercise, by our own citizens, of so much commerce as
may suffice to exchange our superfluities for our wants, may be
advantageous for the whole. But it does not follow, that with a
territory so boundless, it is the interest of the whole to become a
mere city of London, to carry on the business of one half the
world at the expense of eternal war with the other half. The
agricultural capacities of our country constitute its distinguishing
feature ; and the adapting our policy and pursuits to that, is more
likely to make us a numerous and happy people, than the mimicry
of an Amsterdam, a Hamburgh, or a city of London. Every so
ciety has a right to fix the fundamental principles of its association,
and to say to all individuals, that, if they contemplate pursuits
beyond the limits of these principles, and involving dangers
which the society chooses to avoid, they must go somewhere else
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 35
for their exercise ; that we want no citizens, and still less ephem
eral and pseudo-citizens, on such terms. We may exclude them
from our territory, as we do persons infected with disease. Such
is the situation of our country. We have most abundant re
sources of happiness within ourselves, which we may enjoy in
peace and safety, without permitting a few citizens, infected with
the mania of rambling and gambling, to bring danger on the
great mass engaged in innocent and safe pursuits at home. In
your letter to Fisk, you have fairly stated the alternatives be
tween which we are to choose : i, licentious commerce and
gambling speculations for a few, with eternal war for the many ;
or, 2, restricted commerce, peace, and steady occupations for all.
If any State in the Union will declare that it prefers separation
with the first alternative, to a continuance in union without it, I
have no hesitation in saying, " let us separate." I would rather
the States should withdraw, which are for unlimited commerce
and war, and confederate with those alone which are for peace
and agriculture. I know that every nation in Europe would join
in sincere amity with the latter, and hold the former at arm's
length, by jealousies, prohibitions, restrictions, vexations and
war. No earthly consideration could induce my consent to con
tract such a debt as England has by her wars for commerce, to
reduce our citizens by taxes to such wretchedness, as that labor
ing sixteen of the twenty-four hours, they are still unable to af
ford themselves bread, or barely to earn as much oatmeal or
potatoes as will keep soul and body together. And all this to
feed the avidity of a few millionary merchants, and to keep up
one thousand ships of war for the protection of their commercial
speculations. I returned from Europe after our government had
got under way, and had adopted from the British code the law
of draw-backs. I early saw its effects in the jealousies and
vexations of Britain ; and that, retaining it, we must become like
her an essentially warring nation, and meet, in the end, the catas
trophe impending over her. No one can doubt that this alone
produced the orders of council, the depredations which preceded,
and the war which followed them. Had we carried but our own
produce, and brought back but our own wants, no nation would
have troubled us. Our commercial dashers, then, have already
36 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
cost us so many thousand lives, so many millions of dollars, more
than their persons and all their commerce were worth. When
war was declared, and especially after Massachusetts, who had
produced it, took side with the enemy waging it, I pressed on
some confidential friends in Congress to avail us of the happy op
portunity of repealing the draw-back ; and I do rejoice to find
that you are in that sentiment. You are young, and may be in
the way of bringing it into effect. Perhaps time, even yet, and
change of tone, (for there are symptoms of that in Massachusetts,)
may not have obliterated altogether the sense of our late feelings
and sufferings ; may not have induced oblivion of the friends we
have lost, the depredations and conflagrations we have suffered,
and the debts we have incurred, and have to labor for through
the lives of the present generation. The earlier the repeal is pro
posed, the more it will be befriended by all these recollections
and considerations. This is one of three great measures neces
sary to insure us permanent prosperity. This preserves our
peace. A second should enable us to meet any war, by adopting
the report of the war department, for placing the force of the na
tion at effectual command ; and a third should insure resources
of money by the suppression of all paper circulation during peace,
and licensing that of the nation alone during war. The metallic
medium of which we should be possessed at the commencement
of a war, would be a sufficient fund for all the loans we should
need through its continuance ; and if the national bills issued, be
bottomed (as is indespensable) on pledges of specific taxes for
their redemption within certain and moderate epochs, and be of
proper denominations for circulation, no interest on them would
be necessary or just, because they would answer to every one the
purposes of the metallic money withdrawn and replaced by them.
But possibly these may be the dreams of an old man, or that
the occasions of realizing them may have passed away without
return. A government regulating itself by what is wise and just
for the many, uninfluenced by the local and selfish views of the
few who direct their affairs, has not been seen perhaps, on earth.
Or if it existed, for a moment, at the birth of ours, it would not
be easy to fix the term of its continuance. Still, I believe it does
exist here in a greater degree than anywhere else ; and for its
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 37
growth and continuance, as well as for your personal health and
happiness, I offer sincere prayers, with the homage of ray respect
and esteem.
TO SAMUEL KERCHEVAL. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, July 12, i8i6.
SIR, — I duly received your favor of June the 13th, with the
copy of the letters on the calling a convention, on which you are
pleased to ask my opinion. I have not been in the habit of
mysterious reserve on any subject, nor of buttoning up my opin
ions within my own doublet. On the contrary, while in public
service especially, I thought the public entitled to frankness, and
intimately to know whom they employed. But I am now re
tired : I resign myself, as a passenger, with confidence to those
at present at the helm, and ask but for rest, peace and good will.
The question you propose, on equal representation, has become a
party one, in which I wish to take no public share. Yet, if it be
asked for your own satisfaction only, and not to be quoted before
the public, I have no motive to withhold it, and the less from
you, as it coincides with your own. At the birth of our repub
lic, I committed that opinion to the world, in the draught of a
constitution annexed to the " Notes on Virginia," in which a pro
vision was inserted for a representation permanently equal. The
infancy of the subject at that moment, and our inexperience of
self-government, occasioned gross departures in that draught from
genuine republican canons. In truth, the abuses of monarchy
had so much filled all the space of political contemplation, that
we imagVied everything republican which was not monarchy.
We had not yet penetrated to the mother principle, that " govern
ments are republican only in proportion as they embody the will
of their people, and execute it." Hence, our first constitutions
had really no leading principles in them. But experience and
reflection have but more and more confirmed me in the particular
importance of the equal representation then proposed. On that
point, then, I am entirely in sentiment with your letters ; and
only lament that a copy-right of your pamphlet prevents their
appearance in the newspapers, where alone they would be gen-
38 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
erally read, and produce general effect. The present vacancy
too, of other matter, would give them place in every paper, and
bring the question home to every man's conscience.
But inequality of representation in both Houses of our legisla
ture, is not the only republican heresy in this first essay of our
revolutionary patriots at forming a constitution. For let it be
agreed that a government is republican in proportion as every
member composing it has his equal voice in the direction of its
concerns (not indeed in person, which would be impracticable
beyond the limits of a city, or small township, but) by represen
tatives chosen by himself, and responsible to him at short periods,
and let us bring to the test of this canon every branch of our
constitution.
In the legislature, the House of Representatives is chosen by
less than half the people, and not at all in proportion to those
who do choose. The Senate are still more disproportionate, and
for long terms of irresponsibility. In the Executive, the Governor
is entirely independent of the choice of the people, and of their
control ; his Council equally so, and at best but a fifth wheel to a
wagon. In the Judiciary, the judges of the highest courts are
dependent on none but themselves. In England, where judges
were named and removable at the will of an hereditary executive,
from which branch most misrule was feared, and has flowed, it
was a great point gained, by fixing them for life, to make them
independent of that executive. But in a government founded on
the public will, this principle operates in an opposite direction,
and against that will. There, too, they were still removable on
a concurrence of the executive and legislative branches. But we
have made them independent of the nation itself. They are
irremovable, but by their own body, for any depravities of con
duct, and even by their own body for the imbecilities of dotage.
The justices of the inferior courts are self-chosen, are for life,
and perpetuate their own body in succession forever, so that a
faction once possessing themselves of the bench of a county, can
never be broken up, but hold their county in chains, forever indis
soluble. Yet these justices are the real executive as well as judi
ciary, in all our minor and most ordinary concerns. They tax
us at will ; fill the office of sheriff, the most important of all the
i8i6] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 39
executive officers of the county ; name nearly all our military
leaders, which leaders, once named, are removable but by them
selves. The juries, our judges of all fact, and of law when they
choose it, are not selected by the people, nor amenable to them.
They are chosen by an officer named by the court and executive.
Chosen, did I say ? Picked up by the sheriff from the loungings
of the court yard, after everything respectable has retired from it.
Where then is our republicanism to be found ? Not in our con
stitution certainly, but merely in the spirit of our people. That
would oblige even a despot to govern us republicanly. Owing
to this spirit, and to nothing in the form of our constitution, all
things have gone well. But this fact, so triumphantly misquoted
by the enemies of reformation, is not the fruit of our constitution,
but has prevailed in spite of it. Our functionaries have done
well, because generally honest men. If any were not so, they
feared to show it.
But it will be said, it is easier to find faults than to amend
them. I do not think their amendment so difficult as is pre
tended. Only lay down true principles, and adhere to them in
flexibly. Do not be frightened into their surrender by the alarms
of the timid, or the croakings of wealth against the ascendency
of the people. If experience be called for, appeal to that of our
fifteen or twenty governments for forty years, and show me
where the people have done half the mischief in these forty years,
that a single despot would have done in a single year ; or show
half the riots and rebellions, the crimes and the punishments,
which have taken place in any single nation, under kingly gov
ernment during the same period. The true foundation of repub
lican government is the equal right of every citizen, in his person
and property, and in their management. Try by this, as a tally,
every provision of our constitution, and see if it hangs directly on
the will of the people. Reduce your legislature to a convenient
number for full, but orderly discussion. Let every man who
fights or pays, exercise his just and equal right in their election.
Submit them to approbation or rejection at short intervals. Let
the executive be chosen in the same way, and for the same term,
by those whose agent he is to be ; and leave no screen of a coun
cil behind which to skulk from responsibility. It has been thought
40 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
that the people are not competent electors of judges learned in
the law. But I do not know that this is true, and, if doubtful, we
should follow principle. In this, as in many other elections,
they would be guided by reputation, which would not err oftener,
perhaps, than the present mode of appointment. In one State
of the Union, at least, it has long been tried, and with the most
satisfactory success. The judges of Connecticut have been
chosen by the people every six months, for nearly two centuries,
and I believe there has hardly ever been an instance of change ;
so powerful is the curb of incessant responsibility. If prejudice,
however, derived from a monarchichal institution, is still to pre
vail against the vital elective principle of our own, and if the ex
isting example among ourselves of periodical election of judges
by the people be still mistrusted, let us at least not adopt the
evil, and reject the good, of the English precedent ; let us retain
amovability on the concurrence of the executive and legislative
branches, and nomination by the executive alone. Nomination
to office is an executive function. To give it to the legislature,
as we do, is a violation of the principle of the separation of powers.
It swerves the members from correctness, by temptations to in
trigue for office themselves, and to a corrupt barter of votes ; and
destroys responsibility by dividing it among a multitude. By
leaving nomination in its proper place, among executive func
tions, the principle of the distribution of power is preserved, and
responsibility weighs with its heaviest force on a single head.
The organization of our county administrations may be thought
more difficult. But follow principle, and the knot unties itself.
Divide the counties into wards of such size as that every citizen
can attend, when called on, and act in person. Ascribe to them
the government of their wards in all things relating to themselves
exclusively. A justice, chosen by themselves, in each, a con
stable, a military company, a patrol, a school, the care of their
own poor, their own portion of the public roads, the choice of
one or more jurors to serve in some court, and the delivery,
within their own wards, of their own votes for all elective officers
of higher sphere, will relieve the county administration of nearly
all its business, will have it better done, and by making every
citizen an acting member of the government, and in the offices
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 41
nearest and most interesting to him, will attach him by his strong
est feelings to the independence of his country, and its republican
constitution. The justices thus chosen by every ward, would
constitute the county court, would do its judiciary business, di
rect roads and bridges, levy county and poor rates, and administer
all the matters of common interest to the whole country. These
wards, called townships in New England, are the vital principle
of their governments, and have proved themselves the wisest in
vention ever devised by the wit of man for the perfect exercise of
self-government, and for its preservation. We should thus mar
shal our government into, i, the general federal republic, for all
concerns foreign and federal : 2, that of the State, for what relates
to our own citizens exclusively ; 3, the county republics, for the
duties and concerns of the county ; and 4, the ward republics,
for the small, and yet numerous and interesting concerns of the
neighborhood ; and in government, as well as in every other busi
ness of life, it is by division and subdivison of duties alone, that
all matters, great and small, can be managed to perfection. And
the whole is cemented by giving to every citizen, personally, a
part in the administration of the public affairs.
The sum of these amendments is, i. General Suffrage. 2.
Equal representation in the legislature. 3. An executive chosen
by the people. 4. Judges elective or amovable. 5. Justices,
jurors, and sheriffs elective. 6. Ward divisions. And 7. Peri
odical amendments of the constitution.
I have thrown out these as loose heads of amendment, for con
sideration and correction ; and their object is to secure self-gov
ernment c>y the republicanism of our constitution, as well as by
the spirit of the people ; and to nourish and perpetuate that
spirit. I am not among those who fear the people. They, and
not the rich, are our dependence for continued freedom. And to
preserve their independence, we must not let our rulers load us
with perpetual debt. We must make our election between econ
omy and liberty, or profusion and servitude. If we run into
such debts, as that we must be taxed in our meat and in our
drink, in our necessaries and our comforts, in our labors and our
amusements, for our callings and our creeds, as the people of
England are, our people, like them, must come to labor sixteen
42 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
hours in the twenty-four, give the earnings of fifteen of these to
the government for their debts and daily expenses ; and the six
teenth being insufficient to afford us bread, we must live, as they
now do, on oatmeal and potatoes ; have no time to think, no
means of calling the mismanagers to account ; but be glad to ob
tain subsistence by hiring ourselves to rivet their chains on the
necks of our fellow-sufferers. Our landholders, too, like theirs, re
taining indeed the title and stewardship of estates called theirs, but
held really in trust for the treasury, must wander, like theirs,
in foreign countries, and be contented with penury, obscurity,
exile, and the glory of the nation. This example reads to us the
salutary lesson, that private fortunes are destroyed by public as
well as by private extravagance. And this is the tendency of all
human governments. A departure from principle in one instance
becomes a precedent for a second ; that second for a third ;
and so on, till the bulk of the society is reduced to be mere au
tomatons of misery, and to have no sensibilities left but for sin
ning and suffering. Then begins, indeed, the helium omnium in
omnia, which some philosophers observing to be so general in this
world, have mistaken it for the natural, instead of the abusive
state of man. And the fore horse of this frightful team is public
debt. Taxation follows that, and in its train wretchedness and
oppression.
Some men look at constitutions with sanctimonious reverence,
and deem them like the arc of the covenant, too sacred to be
touched. They ascribe to the men of the preceding age a wisdom
more than human, and suppose what they did to be beyond
amendment. I knew that age well ; I belonged to it, and labored
with it. It deserved well of its country. It was very like the
present, but without the experience of the present ; and forty
years of experience in government is worth a century of book-
reading ; and this they would say themselves, were they to rise
from the dead. I am certainly not an advocate for frequent and
untried changes in laws and constitutions. I think moderate im
perfections had better be borne with ; because, when once known,
we accommodate ourselves to them, and find practical means of
correcting their ill effects. But I know also, that laws and insti
tutions must go hand in hand with the progress, of the human
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 43
mind. As that becomes more developed, more enlightened, as
new discoveries are made, new truths disclosed, and manners and
opinions change with the change of circumstances, institutions
must advance also, and keep pace with the times. We might as
well require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when a
boy, as civilized society to remain ever under the regimen of their
barbarous ancestors. It is this preposterous idea which has lately
deluged Europe in blood. Their monarchs, instead of wisely
yielding to the gradual change of circumstances, of favoring pro
gressive accommodation to progressive improvement, have clung
to old abuses, entrenched themselves behind steady habits, and
obliged their subjects to seek through blood and violence rash
and ruinous innovations, which, had they been referred to the
peaceful deliberations and collected wisdom of the nation, would
have been put into acceptable and salutary forms. Let us follow
no such examples, nor weakly believe that one generation is not
as capable as another of taking care of itself, and of ordering its
own affairs. Let us, as our sister States have done, avail our
selves of our reason and experience, to correct the crude essays
of our first and unexperienced, although wise, virtuous, and well-
meaning councils. And lastly, let us provide in our constitution
for its revision at stated periods. What these periods should be,
nature herself indicates. By the European tables of mortality,
of the adults living at any one moment of time, a majority will be
dead in about nineteen years. At the end of that period, then, a
new majority is come into place ; or, in other words, a new gener
ation. Each generation is as independent as the one preceding,
as that was of all which had gone before. It has then, like them,
a right to choose for itself the form of government it believes
most promotive of its own happiness ; consequently, to accommo
date to the circumstances in which it finds itself, that received
from its predecessors ; and it is for the peace and good of man
kind, that a solemn opportunity of doing this every nineteen or
twenty years, should be provided by the constitution ; so that it
may be handed on, with periodical repairs, from generation to
generation, to the ',-nd of time, if anything human can so long en
dure. It is now f jrty years since the constitution of Virginia was
formed. The sa.Tie tables inform us, that, within that period,
44 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
two-thirds of the adults then living are now dead. Have then
the remaining third, even if they had the wish, the right to hold
in obedience to their will, and to laws heretofore made by them,
the other two-thirds, who, with themselves, compose the present
mass of adults ? If they have not, who has ? The dead ? But
the dead have no rights. They are nothing ; and nothing cannot
own something. Where there is no substance, there can be no
accident. This corporeal globe, and everything upon it, belong
to its present corporeal inhabitants, during their generation.
They alone have a right to direct what is the concern of them
selves alone, and to declare the law of that direction ; and this
declaration can only be made by their majority. That majority,
then, has a right to depute representatives to a convention, and to
make the constitution what they think will be the best for them
selves. But how collect their voice ? This is the real difficulty.
If invited by private authority, or county or district meetings,
these divisions are so large that few will attend ; and their voice
will be imperfectly, or falsely pronounced. Here, then, would be
one of the advantages of the ward divisions I have proposed.
The mayor of every ward, on a question like the present, would
call his ward together, take the simple yea or nay of its members,
convey these to the county court, who would hand on those of all
its wards to the proper general authority ; and the voice of the
whole people would be thus fairly, fully, and peaceably expressed,
discussed, and decided by the common reason of the society. If
this avenue be shut to the call of sufferance, it will make itself
heard through that of force, and we shall go on, as other nations
are doing, in the endless circle of oppression, rebellion, reforma
tion ; and oppression, rebellion, reformation, again ; and so on
forever.
These, Sir, are my opinions of the governments we see among
men, and of the principles by which alone we may prevent our
own from falling into the same dreadful track. I have given
them at greater length than your letter called for. But I cannot
say things by halves ; and I confide them to your honor, so to
use them as to preserve me from the gridiron c f the public papers.
If you shall approve and enforce them, as you have done that of
equal representation, they may do some good. If not, keep them
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 45
to yourself as the effusions of withered age and useless time. I
shall, with not the less truth, assure you of my great respect and
consideration.1
1 On this same subject Jefferson wrote to Kercheval the following two
letters :
MONTICELLO, September 5, 1816.
SIR, — Your letter of August the i6th is just received. That which I wrote to
you under the address of H. Tompkinson, was intended for the author of the
pamphlet you were so kind as to send me, and therefore, in your hands, found
its true destination. But I must beseech you, Sir, not to admit a possibility of
its being published. Many good people will revolt from its doctrines, and my
wish is to offend nobody ; to leave to those who are to live under it, the settle
ment of their own constitution, and to pass in peace the remainder of my time.
If those opinions are sound, they will occur to others, and will prevail by their
own weight, without the aid of names. I am glad to see that the Staunton
meeting has rejected the idea of a limited convention. The article, however,
nearest my heart, is the division of counties into wards. These will be pure
and elementary republics, the sum of all which, taken together, composes the
State, and will make of the whole a true democracy as to the business of the
wards, which is that of nearest and daily concern. The affairs of the larger
sections, of counties, of States, and of the Union, not admitting personal trans
action by the people, will be delegated to agents elected by themselves ; and
representation will thus be substituted, where personal action becomes imprac
ticable. Yet, even over these representative organs, should they become cor
rupt and perverted, the division into wards constituting the people, in their
wards, a regularly organized power, enables them by that organization to
crush, regularly and peaceably, the usurpations of their unfaithful agents, and
rescues them from the dreadful necessity of doing it insurrectionally. In this
way we shall be as republican as a large society can be ; and secure the contin
uance of purity in our government, by the salutary, peaceable, and regular con
trol of the people. No other depositories of power have ever yet been found,
which did no* end in converting to their own profit the earnings of those com
mitted to their charge. George the III. in execution of the trust confided to
him, has, within his own day, loaded the inhabitants of Great Britain with
debts equal to the whole fee-simple value of their island, and under pretext of
governing it, has alienated its whole soil to creditors who could lend money to
be lavished on priests, pensions, plunder and perpetual war. This would not
have been so, had the people retained organized means of acting on their
agents. In this example, then, let us read a lesson for ourselves, and not "go
and do likewise."
Since writing my letter of July the I2th, I have been told, that on the ques
tion of equal representation, our fellow citizens in some sections of the State
claim peremptorily a right of representation for their slaves. Principle will, in
this, as in most other cases, open the way for us to correct conclusion. Were
46 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
TO THOMAS APPLETON. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, July 18, 16.
DEAR SIR, — Your letter of Mar. 20. & Apr. 15. are both re
ceived. The former only a week ago. They brought me the first
information of the death of my antient friend Mazzei, which I learn
with sincere regret. He had some peculiarities, & who of us has
not ? But he was of solid worth ; honest, able, zealous in sound
principles Moral & political, constant in friendship, and punctual
in all his undertakings. He was greatly esteemed in this country,
and some one has inserted in our papers an account of his death,
with a handsome and just eulogy of him, and a proposition to pub
lish his life in one 8vo. volume. I have no doubt but that what he
has written of himself during the portion of the revolutionary
our State a pure democracy, in which all its inhabitants should meet together
to transact all their business, there would yet be excluded from their delibera
tions, I, infants, until arrived at years of discretion. 2. Women, who, to pre
vent depravation of morals and ambiguity of issue, could not mix promiscuously
in the public meetings of men. 3. Slaves, from whom the unfortunate state of
things with us takes away the right of will and of property. Those then who
have no will could be permitted to exercise none in the popular assembly ; and
of course, could delegate none to an agent in a representative assembly. The
business, in the first case, would be done by qualified citizens only. It is true,
that in the general constitution, our State is allowed a larger representation on
account of its slaves. But every one knows, that that constitution was a matter
of compromise ; a capitulation between conflicting interests and opinions. In
truth, the condition of different descriptions of inhabitants in any country is a
matter of municipal arrangement, of which no foreign country has a right to
take notice. All its inhabitants are men as to them. Thus, in the New Eng
land States, none have the powers of citizens but those whom they call free
men ; and none are freemen until admitted by a vote of the freemen of the
town. Yet, in the General Goverment, these non-freemen are counted in their
quantum of representation and of taxation. So, slaves with us have no powers
as citizens ; yet, in representation in the General Government, they count in the
proportion of three to five ; and so also in taxation. Whether this is equal, is
not here the question. It is a capitulation of discordant sentiments and circum
stances, and is obligatory on that ground. But this view shows there is no in
consistency in claiming representation for them for the other States, and refusing
it within our own. Accept the renewal of assurances of my respect.
0 MONTICELLO, Oct. 8, 16.
SIR, — A friend in your part of the country informs me that he has seen, in
pretty free circulation, a letter from me to yourself on the subject of a Con-
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 47
period he passed with us, would furnish some good material for
our history of which there is already a wonderful scarcity. But
where this undertaker of his history is to get his materials, I know
not, nor who he is.
I have received Mr. Carmigniani's letter requesting the remit
tance of his money in my hands. How and when this can be
done I have written him in the inclosed letter, which I leave open
for your perusal ; after which be so good as to stick a wafer in it,
& have it delivered. I had just begun a letter to Mazzei, ex
cusing to him the non-remittance the present year, as requested
thro' you by his family. And I should have stated to him with
good faith, that the war-taxes of the last year, almost equal to the
amount of our whole income, and a season among the most un
favorable to agriculture ever known made it a year of war as to
it's pressure, & obliged me to postpone the commencement of the
annual remittances until the ensuing spring. The receipt of your
vention, that it was in the hands of a printer, that he had heard several speak
of having seen it, and the idea was that it was refused to none who asked for it.
I cannot but be alarmed at this information. My letter of July 12. was ex
pressly confided to your honor, to be so used as to be kept from the public
papers ; and that of Sep. 5. further pressed my request that you would not ad
mit it a possibilty of it 's being published. I did expect and had no objections,
that you should be at liberty to communicate it 's contents to particular friends
in whom you had confidence ; but not that you would permit it to go out of
your own hands, still less into those of a printer, to be shewn to every one,
perhaps to be copied and finally published. I must, Sir, reiterate my prayers
to you to recall the original, and the copies, if any have been taken. The
question of a Convention is become a party one with which I shall not inter
meddle. I am willing to live under the constitution, as it is, if a majority of
my fellow- citizens prefer it ; altho' I think it might be made better, and, for
the sake of "uture generations (when principles shall have become too relaxed
to permit amendment, as experience proves to be the constant course of things)
I wished to have availed them of the virtues of the present time to put into a
chaste & secure form, the government to be handed down to them. But I re
peat that if a majority of my fellow-citizens are contented with what will last
their time, I am so also, and with the more reason as mine is nearly out. I
again throw the quiet of my life on your honor, and repeat the assurances of
my respect.
P.S. On revisal of my letter of Sep. 5. I discover an error which be pleased
to correct with the pen, by striking out of the 5th line from the close, the words
' as 5 ' and inserting ' so also.'
48 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
letter, and of Mr. Carmigniani's only rendered it necessary to
change the address of mine. The sale was made during the war,
when the remittance of the price was impossible : nor was there
here any depot for it at that time which would have been safe,
profitable, and ready to repay the principal on demand. I re
tained it therefore myself to avoid the risk of the banks, to yield
the profit the treasury could have given, and to admit a command
of the principal at a shorter term. It was of course, therefore
that I must invest it in some way to countervail the interest, and
being but a farmer receiving rents and profits but once a year, it
will take time to restore it to the form of money again, which I
explained to Mr. Mazzei in the letter I wrote to him at the time.
Exchange is much against us at present, owing to the immense
importations made immediately after peace, and to the redundancy
of our paper medium. The legislatures have generally required
the banks to call in this redundancy. They are accordingly cur
tailing discounts, & collecting their debts, so that by the spring,
when the first remittance will be made, our medium will be greatly
reduced, and it's value increased proportionably. The crop of
this year too, when exported will so far lessen the foreign debt &
the demand for bills of exchange. These circumstances taken
together promise a good reduction in the rate of exchange, which
you can more fully explain in conversation to Mr. Carmigniani.
I am happy to inform you that the administrator of Mr. Bel
lini has at length settled his account, and deposited the balance
635. Dollars 48 cents in the bank of Virginia, at Richmond. I
think it the safest bank in the U. S. and it has been for some
time so prudently preparing itself for cash payments, as to inspire
a good degree of confidence, & moreover I shall keep my eye on
it, but the money while there bears no interest ; and I did not
chuse to take it myself on interest reimbursable on demand. It
would be well then that Mr. Fancelli should withdraw it as soon
as he can ; his draught on me shall be answered at sight to the
holder, by one on the bank. In the present state of our exchange,
& the really critical standing of our merchants at this time, I have
been afraid to undertake it's remittance, because it could only be
done by a bill of some merchant here on his correspondent in
England, and both places are at this time a little suspicious. I
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 49
know nothing so deplorable as the present condition of the
inhabitants of Europe and do not wonder therefore at their
desire to come to this country. Laborers in any of the arts
would find abundant employ in this state at 100. D. a year & their
board and lodging. And indeed if a sober good humored man
understanding the vineyard & kitchen garden would come to me
on those terms, bound to serve 4. years, I would advance his pas
sage on his arrival, setting it off against his subsequent wages.
But he must come to the port of Norfolk or Richmond, & no
where else. If such a one should occur to you, you would oblige
me by sending him. I remark the temporary difficulty you
mention of obtaining good Montepulciano, and prefer waiting for
that, when to be had, to a quicker supply of any other kind which
might not so certainly suit our taste. It might not be amiss
perhaps to substitute a bottle or two as samples of any other
wines which would bear the voyage, and be of a quality and price
to recommend them. You know we like dry wines, or at any rate
not more than sillery. I salute you with constant friendship and
respect.1
1 On the subject of this business matter Jefferson further wrote to Giovanni
Carmigniani:
MONTICELLO IN VIRGINIA, July l8, 1816.
SIR, — Within these few days I have received your favor of April 7, with
certificates of the death of my estimable friend Philip Mazzei, and a copy of
his Will. I learn this event with great affliction, altho' his advanced age had
given reason to apprehend it. An intimacy of 40. years had proved to me his
great worth, and a friendship which had begun in personal acquaintance, was
maintained after separation, without abatement by a constant interchange of
letters. His esteem too in this country was very general ; his early & zealous
cooperation in the establishment of our independance having acquired for him
here a great degree of favor.
Having left under my care the property which he had not been able to dis
pose of and to carry with him to Europe, it is some years since I had been able
to settle all his affairs here, and to have the whole proceeds remitted to him,
except for his house and lot in Richmond. This being in the possession of
another, a course of law became necessary to recover it, and after the recovery,
it was sometime before it could be disposed of at a reasonable price. Very
favourable circumstances however occurring at length, I was enabled to get for
it a sum very far beyond what had ever been expected or asked. This was in
the time of our late war with England while a close blockade of our harbors cut
off all commercial intercourse with Europe, and rendered a remittance of the
VOL. X. — 4
50 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
TO JOHN TAYLOR. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, July 21. 16.
DEAR SIR, — Yours of the loth is received, and I have to ac-
knolege a copious supply of the turnip seed requested. Besides
taking care myself, I shall endeavour again to commit it to the
depository of the neighborhood, generally found to be the best
precaution against losing a good thing. * * * I will add a
price impossible. The question then arose what could be done with the money ?
Our banks, which had been heretofore considered as safe depositories of
money, had excited alarm as to their solvability by the profuse emission of their
notes ; and in fact they declared, soon after, their inability to pay their notes,
in which condition they still continue ; and could they have been trusted with
the money, no interest would have been allowed by them. It might have
been lent to the government, who would have paid an interest ; but then the
principal could not have been demanded under 15. or 20 years, the terms of
their loans. I concluded therefore to retain it myself, at our legal interest of 6.
per cent per annum as the only means of avoiding the risk of the banks, of
yielding the profit which the treasury offered, with the command of the
principal at a shorter period. But to indemnify myself for the interest I should
have to pay, it was necessary I should invest it in some profitable course ; and
to restore it again to the form of money, would require some time after the
close of the war. I explained this in a letter to Mr. Mazzei, and then supposed
it might be done at two or three annual instalments, counting from the close of
the war. Altho* the cessation of hostilities took place in spring of the last year,
yet the war contributions continued thro the year, aggravated by the most
calamitous season for agriculture almost ever known. Our term of peace then
really began with the present year. I was about informing Mr. Mazzei that,
counting from that period, the principal and interest should be remitted him in
three annual instalments, when I received the information of his death. I had
been led to propose to him this delay the less unwillingly, as I had received
from his family, thro* Mr. Appleton, a request not to remit the principal, which
they feared he would dispose of to loss.
I have thought this much necessary, Sir, to explain to you the present state of
this fund, and the reasons why it cannot be remitted but by successive instal
ments. A third with it's interest shall be paid the ensuing spring, and the
remainder in equal portions the two springs following that. The channel of
remittance must depend on the circumstances of the time. The exchange with
London at present is much against us. But the calls of the banks on their
debtors, now rapidly going on, by reducing the redundance, of our medium, and
the produce of agriculture this year, which as an article of remittance, will
lessen the demand, & consequently the price of bills of exchange, will probably
produce, by the next spring, a more favorable state of exchange for the first re-
i8i6] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 51
word on the political part of our letters. I believe we do not
differ on either of the points you suppose : on education cer
tainly not : of which the proofs are my bill " for the diffusion of
knolege," prepared near 40. years ago ; and my uniform endeav
our to this day to get our counties divided into wards, one of the
principal objects of which is the establishment of a primary
school in each. But education not being a branch of municipal
mittance. In the meantime I shall receive & execute with pleasure & punctu
ality any instructions you may think proper to give me as to the channel and
mode of remittance : and, receiving none, I will certainly do the best I can for
the benefit of Mr. Mazzei's family, to whom I will render every service in my
power with the same zeal I would have done for my deceased friend, of which
I pray you to give them assurance with the homage of my great respect, and to
accept yourself the tender of my high consideration.
A year later Jefferson wrote to Appleton as follows:
MONTICELLO, Aug. I. 17.
DEAR SIR, — My last to you was of July 18. 16. since which I have received
yours of May 15. and 30. July 30. Sep. 27 & Oct. 20. of the same year, & Mar.
5. of the present, with the seed of the Lupinella. This came to hand too late
to be sown this season, and is therefore reserved for the ensuing spring. Mr.
Madison received what you sent him somewhat earlier, & sowed a little (not
chusing to venture the whole). I am recently returned from a visit to him and
saw the plants just come up. From their appearance we judged them to be a
species of Saintfoin. The next year however I shall sow the whole of mine,
and be able to judge of it.
In my letter to you of July 18. and one of the same date to Mr. Carmigniani,
on the subject of Mr. Mazzei's funds I explained the situation of this country,
which, after being shut up from all means of disposing of its produce during a
war of 3. years, had experienced seasons the most adverse to agriculture which
had ever been known. At that moment also appearances were unfavorable for
the year then current ; but in the hope it might change for the better, I ven
tured to promise myself and Mr. Carmigniani that a commencement of remit
tance of principal and interest should be made in the present year. But the
drought which was prevailing at the date of my letter, continued thro the whole
season of the growth of our crops, and produced a failure in them much greater
than in the preceding year ; insomuch that there has been the greatest distress
for bread, which has sold generally at 5. times its usual price. Few farmers
have made enough of other things to pay for their bread ; and the present year
has been equally afflicting for their crop of wheat, by such an inundation of
Hessian fly as was never seen before. A great part of my own crop has not
yielded seed. Whole fields did not give an ear for every square foot ; & many
turned their cattle on their wheat to make something of it as pasture. After
52 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
government, but, like the other arts and sciences, an accident
only, I did not place it with election, as a fundamental member
in the structure of government. * * * Nor, I believe, do we
differ as to the county courts. I acknolege the value of this in
stitution, that it is in truth our principal Executive & Judiciary,
and that it does much for little pecuniary reward. It is their self-
appointment I wish to correct, to find some means of breaking up
such a disaster the last year, and so gloomy a prospect for the present, follow
ing the distresses of the war, our farmers are scarcely able to meet the indis
pensable expences of taxes, culture & food for their families and labourers.
Under such difficulties & prospects, I have not only been unable to make the
remittance I had promised to Mr. Carmigniani, of the first portion of principal
and interest, but am really afraid to promise it for the next, such are the pros
pects of the present season ; and unwilling by renewed and precise engagements
to hazard renewed breaches of them I am constrained to sollicit the consent of
the family to let the money lie awhile in my hands, and to receive remittances
of it in portions as I can make them. They may be assured they shall be made
as soon and as fast as would be in my power, were I to engage for specific
sums and dates. The interest I solemnly engage to send them annually, and
about this season of the year. I am in hopes that the punctual receipt of the
interest from hence will be the same to them, as if received from a depository
there, while it will be a kind accommodation to me ; and I hope it the more as
this is really money which I recovered out of the fire for them, by lawsuits &
persevering efforts, & which I am certain Mr. Mazzei, no more than myself
had never hoped to obtain. With respect to the ultimate safety of the princi
pal in my hands, any person from this state can satisfy them that my landed
property alone is of more than fifty times the amount of this sum. Flattering
myself then that under these circumstances, and where the difference to them
is only whether they shall receive their interest from A. or from B. I shall be
indulged with this accommodation, I have remitted to my friend John Vaughan
of Philadelphia 400. Dollars to be invested in a good bill payable to yourself,
with a request to you that you will pay to whoever of the family is entitled to
receive it, a year's interest, to wit 380. Dollars 52 cents. Altho' I suggest an
indulgence indefinite in it's particular term, I have no idea of postponing the
commencement of my remittances, by thirds, more than a year or two longer.
If the seasons should, against the course of nature hitherto observed continue
constantly hostile to our agriculture, I will certainly relieve myself at once by a
sale of property sufficient to refund this whole debt, a measure very disagree
able while the expectation exists of doing it from the annual profits ; and the
family will be always free to discontinue the indulgence if the delay should be
protracted unreasonably and inconveniently to them. The nett proceeds of
the sale of the ground in Richmond was 6342, say six thousand three hundred
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 53
a Cabal, when such a one gets possession of the bench. When
this takes place, it becomes the most afflicting of tyrannies, be
cause it's powers are so various, and exercised on every thing most
immediately around us. And how many instances have you and
I known of these monopolies of county administration ! I know
a county in which a particular family (a numerous one) got pos
session of the bench, and for a whole generation, never admitted
and forty two Dollars, received July 14. 1813. If the family consents to my
proposal, I will, on being so informed, settle up the back interest, add it to
the principal, send them a specific obligation and thenceforth remit annually
the interest of six per cent, with portions of the principal as fast as I shall be
able. I think there remains no other item of account between Mr. Mazzei and
myself, except 50. D. paid to the lawyer employed in the recovery & 20. D. to
Mr. Derieux by particular request of Mr. Mazzei.
I write all this to you, because you have hitherto been the mutual channel of
this business ; for altho Mr. Carmigniani wrote me a letter which I answered
July 18. as before mentioned, with a full explanation of the state of the debt,
the circumstances which had occasioned it's remaining in my hands, and the
remittances proposed, yet the marriage of Miss Mazzei with Mr. Pini has, I
supposed determined his agency. I shall be uneasy until I learn that the
family is contented with this arrangement, and I will therefore sollicit an
early line from you. . .
Still later he wrote to Appleton :
MONTICELLO, July 13, 20.
DEAR SIR, — My letters to you, within the last 12. months have been of May
28. 19. with the annual remittance to M. & Me. Pini, Sep. 3. informing you of
a remittance thro' Mr. Vaughan of 300. D. for the wives of the two Raggis, and
Feb. 15. 20. announcing a remittance of 400. D. for the same persons to pay
their passage and expences to the U S. Since the last of these your two of Jan.
15. & 21. have been received. I wonder much that the remittance of the 300.
D. had not got to hand at the date of yours of Jan. 21. but that transaction
having passed between Mr. Vaughan and our Proctor, I am not able to state
the particulars of it's transmission. I hope however it is long since at hand. As
to the 400. D. of Feb. last, Mr. Vaughan in a letter of Mar. 3. says " the 400
D. have been received, and I purchased S. Girard's bill on Jas. Lafite and Co.
Paris at 60. days to order of Thos. Appleton for 2135 90/100 — equal to 403. D.
which I have forwarded to him under cover to Bernard Henry, Gibraltar, by
the Newburn, Capt. Gushing via Madeira, & duplicate by the Pleiades Capt.
West direct to Gibraltar, under care of a friend. The 3d I shall send via New
York. By the Pleiades I sent your letter to Mr. Appleton." Since your in
formation as to the post thro* Spain I much regret that this last remittance has
gone by Gibraltar. Altho' I should have supposed opportunities from that to
Leghorn by sea could not have been rare. However I shall caution Mr.
54 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
a man on it who was not of it's clan or connection. I know a
county now of 1500. militia, of which 60. are federalists. It's
court is of 30. members of whom 20. are federalists (every third
man of the sect) wherein there are large and populous districts,
without a justice, because without a federalist for appointment,
and the militia as disproportionably under federal officers ; and
there is no authority on earth which can break up this junto short
of a general convention. The remaining 1440 free, fighting, &
paying citizens are governed by men neither of their choice nor
confidence & without a hope of relief. They are certainly ex-
Vaughan against it in future, and recommend London & Paris, perhaps also
Marseilles where an opportunity to Leghorn direct does not occur.
In mine of Feb. 15. I mentioned that I should make my annual remittance
to M. & Me Pini in April or May. I am however to this date before it could be
done. The extraordinary embarrassments produced by the sudden withdrawing
of one half of our circulating medium has in a great measure suspended money
transactions. 9. out of 10. of the banks of the different states have blown up ;
the adventurers calling themselves merchants, who had been trading on bank
credits, have been swept away. Those who stood the ordeal still suspend their
business, from caution, till the storm shall be over, so that from want of me
dium, and the want of purchasers at market, property & produce are fallen one
half. \Ve had 18. month ago 6. millions of Dollars in circulation in this state,
of paper ; we have but 3 millions now. Produce, say flour sold from 8. to 16.
D. a barrel. It is now at 4. D. This extraordinary curtaillment in the profits
of the year has brought on a general distress, unknown before in the annals of
our country. Before this explosion in our commerce, I had hoped myself to
have been able in good time to remit the principal of my debt to M. & Me Pini,
from the annual profits of my estate : but the fall in the price of produce,
likely to continue some time yet, has induced me to give up that hope and to
determine on the sale of property sufficient for that paiment. This I \pll cer
tainly do as soon as the present suspension of buying and selling ceases, and
bidders at a fair price return into the market. At this time nothing can be sold
at half price. These difficulties have made me a little later than I had expected
in the remittance of interest this year to M. & Me Pini. I have now placed in
Mr. Vaughan's hands 444 D. with a request to vest it in a bill of Mr. Girard
on Paris, (the most solid channel of remittance, and indulged to me as a favor,)
and to send it via Paris or London, or both ; so that I hope it will have a safe
and speedy passage to you. . . .
P. S. June 30. 20. I had written thus far when your favor of May 18. came
to hand. The remittance of 300. D. for the Raggis, mentioned in my letter
from Poplar Forest, I find on enquiry was not carried into execution. The
Proctor informs me that they soon after changed their minds, concluded to send
for their wives, which requiring a larger sum, produced delay till the state of
their accounts admitted it, this brought on winter and finally the remittance
i8i6] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 55
eluded from the blessings of a free government for life, & indefi
nitely for ought the constitution has provided. This solecism may
be called anything but republican, and ought undoubtedly to be
corrected. I salute you with constant friendship and respect.
TO JOSEPH DELAPLAINE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, July 26, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — In compliance with the request of your
letter of the 6th inst, with respect to Peyton Ran
dolph, I have to observe that the difference of age
between him and myself admitted my knowing little
of his early life, except what I accidentally caught
from occasional conversations. I was a student at
college when he was already Attorney General at the
bar, and a man of established years ; and I had no
intimacy with him until I went to the bar myself,
when, I suppose, he must have been upwards of
forty ; from that time, and especially after I became
a member of the legislature, until his death, our inti
macy was cordial, and I was with him when he died.
Under these circumstances, I have committed to
writing as many incidents of his life as memory en-
of 400. D. was made only in time for them to sail in spring. On the subject
of what I owe to Mr. Mazzei's representatives. I had already made up my mind
to clear it out as soon as possible. Like thousands of others, I had sustained
some losses by being security for a friend who failed under the late general
bankruptcies. This not admitting the delay of annual crops I had come to the
resolution of selling some unprofitable property to pay at once and to make the
sale sufficient to discharge the debt to M. & Me Pini. As yet however nothing
can be sold. All confidence is suspended, and fear takes it's place. The
grounds for example in Richmd of Mr. Mazzei which sold for 6432 D. could
not now be sold for 1500 D. It will probably be another year before the fair
prices of things are settled and proportioned to the reduction of circulating me
dium. I shall certainly take advantage of the first possibilities of disposing of
property to disengage myself. It is this same state of commerce which has de
layed to this date the remittance of this year's interest : I salute you with
constant & affectionate friendship and respect.
56 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
abled me to do, and to give faith to the many and
excellent qualities he possessed, I have mentioned
those minor ones which he did not possess ; consider
ing true history, in which all will be believed, as pref
erable to unqualified panegyric, in which nothing is
believed. I avoided, too, the mention of trivial inci
dents, which, by not distinguishing, disparage a char
acter ; but I have not been able to state early dates.
Before forwarding this paper to you, I received a let
ter from Peyton Randolph, his great nephew, repeat
ing the request you had made. I therefore put the
paper under a blank cover, addressed to you, unsealed,
and sent it to Peyton Randolph, that he might see
what dates as well as what incidents might be col
lected, supplementary to mine, and correct any which
I had inexactly stated ; circumstances may have been
misremembered, but nothing, I think, of substance.
This account of Peyton Randolph, therefore, you
may expect to be forwarded by his nephew.
You requested me when here, to communicate to
you the particulars of two transactions in which I was
myself an agent, to wit : the coup de main of Arnold
on Richmond, and Tarleton's on Charlottesville. I
now enclose them, detailed with an exactness on which
you may rely with an entire confidence. But, having
an insuperable aversion to be drawn into controversy
in the public papers, I must request not to be quoted
either as to these or the account of Peyton Randolph.
Accept the assurances of my esteem and respect.1
1 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF PEYTON RANDOLPH.
Peyton Randolph was the eldest son of Sir John Randolph, of Virginia, a
barrister-at-law, and an eminent practitioner at the bar of the General Court.
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 57
TO JAMES MADISON.1
MONTICELLO Aug. 2. l6.
DEAR SIR, — Mrs. Randolph, Ellen & myself in
tended before this to have had the pleasure of seeing
Mrs Madison and yourself at Montpelier as we men
tioned to Mr Coles ; but three days ago Mrs Ran
dolph was taken with a fever, which has confined her
to her bed ever since. It is so moderate that we are
in the hourly hope of its leaving her and, after a
little time to recruit her strength, of carrying her
purpose into execution, which we shall lose no time
in doing. In the meantime I salute Mrs Madison &
yourself with unceasing affection & respect.
Peyton was educated at the College of William and Mary in Williamsburg, and
thence went to England, and studied law at the Temple. At his return he in
termarried with Elizabeth Harrison, sister of the afterwards Governor Harri
son, entered into practice in the General Court, was afterwards appointed the
King's Attorney-General for the colony, and became a representative in the
House of Burgesses (then so called) for the city of Williamsburg.
Governor Dinwiddie having, about this period, introduced the exaction of a
new fee on his signature of grants for lands, without the sanction of any law,
the House of Burgesses remonstrated against it, and sent Peyton Randolph to
England, as their agent, to oppose it before the king and council. The interest
of the governor, as usual, prevailed against that of the colony, and his new
exaction was confirmed by the king.
After Braddock's defeat on the Monongahela, in 1755, the incursions of the
Indians on our frontiers spread panic and dismay through the whole country,
insomuch that it was scarcely possible to procure men, either as regulars or mili
tia, to go against them. To counteract this terror and to set a good example,
a number of the wealthiest individuals of the colony, and the highest standing
in it, in public as well as in their private relations, associated under obligations
to furnish each of them two able-bodied men, at their own expense, to form
themselves into a regiment under the denomination of the Virginia Blues, to
join the colonial force on the frontier, and place themselves under its com
mander, George Washington, then a colonel. They appointed William Byrd,
a member of the council, colonel of the regiment, and Peyton Randolph, I
think, had also some command. But the original associators had more the will
than the power of becoming effective soldiers. Born and bred in the lap of
1 From the Historical Magazine, xiv., 247.
58 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
TO WILLIAM WIRT.1 j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, September 4, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — I have read, with great delight, the por
tion of the history of Mr. Henry which you have been
so kind as to favour me with, and which is now re
turned. And I can say, from my own knowledge of the
contemporary characters introduced into the canvas,
that you have given them quite as much lustre as them
selves would have asked. The exactness, too, of your
details has, in several instances, corrected their errors in
my own recollections, where they had begun to falter.
In result, I scarcely find anything needing revisal ;
yet, to show you that I have scrupulously sought oc-
wealth, all the habits of their lives were of ease, indolence, and indulgence.
Such men were little fitted to sleep under tents, and often without them, to be
exposed to all the intemperances of the seasons, to swim rivers, range the
woods, climb mountains, wade morasses, to skulk behind trees, and contend as
sharp-shooters with the savages of the wilderness, who, in all the scenes and
exercises, would be in their natural element. Accordingly, the commander
was more embarrassed with their care, than reinforced by their service. They
had the good fortune to see no enemy, and to return at the end of the campaign
rewarded by the favor of the public for this proof of their generous patriotism
and good will.
When afterwards, in 1764, on the proposal of the Stamp Act, the House of
Burgesses determined to send an address against it to the king, and memorials
to the Houses of Lords and Commons, Peyton Randolph, George Wythe.and (I
think) Robert C. Nicholas, were appointed to draw these papers. That to the
king was by Peyton Randolph, and the memorial to the Commons was by
George Wythe. It was on the ground of these papers that those gentlemen op
posed the famous resolutions of Mr. Henry in 1765, to wit, that the principles
of these resolutions had been asserted and maintained in the address and memor
ials of the year before, to which an answer was yet to be expected.
On the death of the speaker, Robinson, in 1766, Peyton Randolph was
elected speaker. He resigned his office of Attorney-General, in which he was
succeeded by his brother Randolph, father of the late Edmund Randolph, and
retired from the bar. He now devoted himself solely to his duties as a legisla
tor, and although sound in his principles, and going steadily with us in opposi
tion to the British usurpations, he, with the other older members, yielded the
1 From Kennedy's Afemoirs of IV. Wirt, i., 362.
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 59
casions of animadversion, I will particularize the fol
lowing passages, which I noted as I read them.
Page 1 1 : I think this passage had better be mod
erated. That Mr. Henry read Livy through once a
year is a known impossibility with those who knew
him. He may have read him once, and some general
history of Greece ; but certainly not twice. A first
reading of a book he could accomplish sometimes
and on some subjects, but never a second. He
knew well the geography of his own country, but cer
tainly never made any other a study. So, as to our
ancient charters ; he had probably read those in Stith's
lead to the younger, only tempering their ardor, and so far moderating their
pace as to prevent their going too far in advance of the public sentiment.
On the establishment of a committee by the legislature, to correspond with
the other colonies, he was named their chairman, and their first proposition
to the other colonies was to appoint similar committees, who might consider
the expediency of calling a general Congress of deputies in order to procure a
harmony of procedure among the whole. This produced the call of the first
Congress, to which he was chosen a delegate, by the House of Burgesses, and
of which he was appointed, by that Congress, its president.
On the receipt of what was called Lord North's conciliatory proposition, in
1775, Lord Dunmore called the General Assembly, and laid it before them.
Peyton Randolph quitted the chair of Congress, in which he was succeeded by
Mr. Hancock, and repaired to that of the House which had deputed him.
Anxious about the tone and spirit of the answer which should be given (because
being the first it might have effect on those of the other colonies), and suppos
ing that a younger pen would be more likely to come up to the feelings of the
body he had left, he requested me to draw the answer, and steadily supported
and carried it through the House, with a few softenings only from the more
timid members.
After the adjournment of the House of Burgesses he returned to Congress,
and died theee of an apoplexy, on the 22d of October following, aged, as I
should conjecture, about fifty years.
He was indeed a most excellent man ; and none was ever more beloved and
respected by his friends. Somewhat cold and coy towards strangers, but of the
sweetest affability when ripened into acquaintance. Of attic pleasantry in con
versation, always good humored and conciliatory. With a sound and logical
head, he was well read in the law ; and his opinions, when consulted, were
highly regarded, presenting always a learned and sound view of the subject,
60 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
history ; but no man ever more undervalued chartered
titles than himself. He drew all natural rights from a
purer source — the feelings of his own breast. * * *
He never, in conversation or debate, mentioned
a hero, a worthy, or a fact in Greek or Roman his
tory, but so vaguely and loosely as to leave room to
back out, if he found he had blundered.
The study and learning ascribed to him, in this
passage, would be inconsistent with the excellent and
just picture given of his indolence through the rest of
the work.
Page 33, line 4 : Inquire further into the fact
alleged that Henry was counsel for Littlepage. I
am much persuaded he was counsel for Dandridge.
There was great personal antipathy between him and
Littlepage, and the closest intimacy with Dandridge,
who was his near neighbor, in whose house he was
at home as one of the family, who was his earliest
and greatest admirer and patron, and whose daughter
became, afterwards, his second wife.
but generally, too, a listlessness to go into its thorough development ; for being
heavy and inert in body, he was rather too indolent and careless for business,
which occasioned him to get a smaller proportion of it at the bar than his abili
ties would otherwise have commanded. Indeed, after his appointment as At
torney-General, he did not seem to court, nor scarcely to welcome, business.
In that office he considered himself equally charged with the rights of the col
ony as with those of the crown ; and in criminal prosecutions, exaggerating
nothing, he aimed at a candid and just state of the transaction, believing it
more a duty to save an innocent than to convict a guilty man. Although not
eloquent, his matter was so substantial that no man commanded more atten
tion, which, joined with a sense of his great worth, gave him a weight in the
House of Burgesses which few ever attained. He was liberal in his expenses
but correct also, so as not to be involved in pecuniary embarrassments ; and
with a heart always open to the amiable sensibilities of our nature, he did as
many good acts as could have been done with his fortune, without injuriously
impairing his means of continuing them. He left no issue, and gave his for
tune to his widow and nephew, the late Edmund Randolph.
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 61
It was in his house that, during a course of Christ
mas festivities, I first became acquainted with Mr.
Henry. This, it is true, is but presumptive evidence,
and may be overruled by direct proof. But I am
confident he could never have undertaken any case
against Dandridge ; considering the union of their
bosoms, it would have been a great crime.1 * * *
1 Jefferson further wrote to Wirt concerning his Life of Patrick Henry :
POPLAR FOREST, November 12, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — Yours of October 23d, was received here on the 3ist, with the
latest sheets of your work.
They found me engaged in a business which could not be postponed, and
have therefore been detained longer than I wished.
On the subject of our ancient aristocracy, I believe I have said nothing which
all who knew them will not confirm, and which their reasonable descendants
may not learn from every quarter. It was the effect of the large accumulation
of property under the law of entails.
The suppression of entailsreduced the spirit of the rich, while the increased
influence given by the new government to the people, raised theirs, and brought
things to their present level, from a condition which the present generation,
who have not seen it, can scarcely believe or conceive.
You ask if I think your work would be the better of retrenchment ? By no
means. I have seen nothing in it which could be retrenched but to disadvan
tage. And again, whether, as a friend, I would^ advise its publication? On
that question, I have no hesitation on your account, as well as that of the pub
lic. To the latter, it will be valuable ; and honourable to yourself.
You must expect to be criticised ; and, by a former letter I see you expect it.
By the Quarterly Reviewers you will be hacked and hewed, with tomahawk
and scalping-knife. Those of Edinburgh, with the same anti-American preju
dices, but sometimes considering us as allies against their administration, will
do it more decently.
They will assume, as a model for biography, the familiar manner of Plutarch,
or scanty manner of Nepos, and try you, perhaps, by these tests. But they
can only prove that your style is different from theirs ; not that it is not good.
I have always very much dispised the artificial canons of criticism. When
I have read a work in prose or poetry, or seen a painting, a statue, etc., I have
only asked myself whether it gives me pleasure, whether it is animating, inter
esting, attaching? If it is, it is good for these reasons. On these grounds you
will be safe. Those who take up your book, will find they cannot lay it down,
and this will be its best criticism.
You have certainly practised vigorously the precept of " de mortuis nil nisi
62 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
TO ALBERT GALLATIN. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, September 8, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — The jealousy of the European govern
ments rendering it unsafe to pass letters through
their postoffices, I am obliged to borrow the protec
tion of your cover to procure a safe passage for the
enclosed letter to Madame de Stae'l, and to ask the
bonum." This presents a very difficult question, — whether one only or both
sides of the medal shall be presented. It constitutes, perhaps, the distinction
between panegyric and history. On this, opinions are much divided — and, per
haps, may be so on this feature of your work. On the whole, however, you
have nothing to fear; at least if my views are not very different from the com
mon. And no one will see its appearance with more pleasure than myself, as
no one can, with more truth, give you assurances of great respect and affec
tionate attachment.
POPLAR FOREST. Sep. 29, 16.
DEAR SIR, — I found, on my arrival here the 2d parcel of your sheets, which
I have read with the same avidity and pleasure as the former. This proves
they will experience no delay in my hands, and that I consider them as worthy
everything I can do for them. They need indeed but little, or rather I should
say nothing. I have however hazarded some suggestions on a paper inclosed.
When I read the former sheets, I did not consider the article of style as within
my jurisdiction. However since you ask observations on that, and suggest
doubts entertained by yourself on a particular quality of it, I will candidly say
that I think some passages of the former sheets too flowery for the sober taste of
history. It will please young readers in it's present form, but to the older it would
give more pleasure and confidence to have some exuberances lightly pruned.
I say lightly, because your style is naturally rich and captivating, and would
suffer if submitted to the rasp of a rude hand. A few excrescences may be
rubbed off by a delicate touch ; but better too little than too much correction.
In the 2d parcel of sheets, altho' read with an eye to your request, I have
found nothing of this kind. I thus comply with your desire ; but on the con
dition originally prescribed, that you shall consider my observations as mere
suggestions, meant to recall the subject to a revision by yourself, and that no
change be made in consequence of them but on the confirmed dictates of your
own judgement. I have no amour-propre which will suffer by having hazarded
a false criticism. On the contrary I should regret were the genuine character
of your composition to be adulterated by any foreign ingredient. I return to
Albermarle within a week. Shall stay there 10. days, come back and pass here
October and part of November. I salute you affectionately.
MONTICELLO, Oct. 8, 16.
DEAR SIR, — I received your 3d parcel of sheets just as I was leaving Poplar
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 63
favor of you to have it delivered at the hotel of M.
de Lessert without passing through the post-office.
In your answer of June 7 to mine of May 18, you
mentioned that you did not understand to what pro
ceeding of Congress I alluded as likely to produce a
removal of most of the members, and that by a spon
taneous movement of the people, unsuggested by the
newspapers, which had been silent on it. I alluded
Forest, and have read them with the usual pleasure. They relate however to
the period of time exactly, during which I was absent in Europe. Conse
quently I am without knolege of the facts they state. Indeed they are mostly
new history to me.
On the subject of style they are not liable to the doubts I hazarded on the
1st parcel, unless a short passage in page 198, should be thought too poetical.
Indeed as I read the 2d & 3d parcels with attentions to style and found them
not subject to the observations I made on the first, (which were from memory
only, & after I had parted with them) I have suspected that a revisal might
have corrected my opinion on the ist. Of this however you will judge. One
only fact in the last sheets was within my knolege, that relating to Philips, and
on this I had formerly given you explanations. I am very glad indeed that
you have examined the records, and established truth in this case. How Mr.
Randolph could indulge himself in a statement of facts, so solemnly made, the
falsehood of every article of which had been known to himself particularly ; and
how Mr. Henry could be silent under such a perversion of facts known to him
self, agreed on at a consultation with members whom he invited to the palace
to advise with on the occasion, and done at his request according to what was
concluded, is perfectly unaccountable. Not that I consider Mr. Randolph as
misstating intentionally, or desiring to boulster an argument at the expence of an
absent person : for there were no unsocial dispositions between him & myself ;
and as little do I impute to Mr. Henry any willingness to leave on my shoulders
a charge which he could so easily have disproved. The fact must have been that
they were both out of their heads on that occasion. Still not the less injuriously
to me, whom Mr. Randolph might as well have named, as the journals shewed I
was the first named of the Committee. Would it be out of place for you to
refer by a note to the countenance which Judge Tucker has given to this mis
representation, by making strictures on it, in his Blackstone, as if it were true ?
It is such a calumny on our revolutionary government as should be eradicated
from history, and especially from that of this state, which justly prides itself
on having gone thro' the revolution without a single example of capital pun
ishment connected with that. Ever affectionately yours.
64 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
to the law giving themselves 1 500 D. a year. There
has never been an instant before of so unanimous an
opinion of the people, and that through every State
in the Union. A very few members of the first order
of merit in the House will be re-elected, Clay, of
Kentucky, by a small majority, and a few others.
But the almost entire mass will go out, not only those
who supported the law or voted for it, or skulked
from the vote, but those who voted against it or op
posed it actively, if they took the money ; and the ex
amples of refusals to take it were very few. The next
Congress, then, Federal as well as Republican, will
be almost wholly of new members.
We have had the most extraordinary year of
drought and cold ever known in the history of Amer
ica. In June, instead of 3f inches, our average of
rain for that month, we only had \ of an inch ; in
August, instead of 9^ inches our average, we had only
-j^ of an inch ; and still it continues. The summer,
too, has been as cold as a moderate winter. In every
State north of this there has been frost in every month
of the year ; in this State we had none in June and
July, but those of August killed much corn over the
mountains. The crop of corn through the Atlantic
States will probably be less than one-third of an ordi
nary one, that of tobacco still less, and of mean qual
ity. The crop of wheat was middling in quantity,
but excellent in quality. But every species of bread
grain taken together will not be sufficient for the sub
sistence of the inhabitants, and the exportation of
flour, already begun by the indebted and the improvi
dent, to whatsoever degree it may be carried, will be
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 65
exactly so much taken from the mouths of our own
citizens. My anxieties on this subject are the greater,
because I remember the deaths which the drought of
1755 in Virginia produced from the want of food.
There are not to be the smallest opposition to the
election of Monroe and Tompkins, the Republicans
being undivided and the Federalists desperate. The
Hartford Convention and peace of Ghent have nearly
annihilated them.
Our State is becoming clamorous for a convention
and amendment for their constitution, and I believe
will obtain it. It was the first constitution formed in
the United States, and of course the most imperfect.
The other States improved in theirs in proportion as
new precedents were added, and most of them have
since amended. We have entered on a liberal plan
of internal improvements, and the universal approba
tion of it will encourage and insure its prosecution.
I recollect nothing else domestic worth noting to you,
and therefore place here my respectful and affectionate
salutations.
TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE. j. MSS.
(JAMES MONROE.)
MONTICELLO, October 16, 1816.
DEAR SIR, — If it be proposed to place an inscription on the
capitol, the lapidary style requires that essential facts only should
be stated, and these with a brevity admitting no superfluous word.
The essential facts in the two inscriptions proposed are these :
FOUNDED 1791. — BURNT BY A BRITISH ARMY 1814. — RESTORED BY CON
GRESS 1817.
The reasons for this brevity are that the letters must be of ex
traordinary magnitude to be read from below ; that little space is
VOL. X. — 5
66 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
allowed them, being usually put into a pediment or in a frize, or
on a small tablet on the wall ; and in our case, a third reason
may be added, that no passion can be imputed to this inscription,
every word being justifiable from the most classical examples.
But a question of more importance is whether there should be
one at all ? The barbarism of the conflagration will immortalize
that of the nation. It will place them forever in degraded com
parison with the execrated Bonaparte, who, in possession of
almost every capitol in Europe, injured no one. Of this, history
will take care, which all will read, while our inscription will be
seen by few. Great Britain, in her pride and ascendency, has
certainly hated and despised us beyond every earthly object.
Her hatred may remain, but the hour of her contempt is passed
and is succeeded by dread ; not at present, but a distant and deep
one. It is the greater as she feels herself plunged into an abyss
of ruin from which no human means point out an issue. We
also have more reason to hate her than any nation on earth. But
she is not now an object for hatred. She is falling from her
transcendant sphere, which all men ought to have wished, but not
that she should lose all place among nations. It is for the interest
of all that she should be maintained, nearly on a par with other
members of the republic of nations. Her power, absorbed into
that of any other, would be an object of dread to all, and to us
more than all, because we are accessible to her alone and through
her alone. The armies of Bonaparte with the fleets of Britain,
would change the aspect of our destinies. Under these prospects
should we perpetuate hatred against her? Should we not, on
the contrary, begin to open ourselves to other and more rational
dispositions ? It is not improbable that the circumstances of the
war and her own circumstances may have brought her wise men
to begin to view us with other and even with kindred eyes.
Should not our wise men, then, lifted above the passions of the
ordinary citizen, begin to contemplate what will be the interests
of our country on so important a change among the elements
which influence it ? I think it would be better to give her time
to show her present temper, and to prepare the minds of our
citizens for a corresponding change of disposition, by acts of
comity towards England rather than by commemoration of hatred.
1816] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 67
These views might be greatly extended. Perhaps, however, they
are premature, and that I may see the ruin of England nearer
than it really is. This will be matter of consideration with those
to whose councils we have committed ourselves, and whose
wisdom, I am sure, will conclude on what is best. Perhaps they
may let it go off on the single and short consideration that the
thing can do no good, and may do harm. Ever and affection
ately yours.
TO MATHEW CAREY.
POPLAR FOREST NEAR LYNCHBURG, Nov. n, 16.
DEAR SIR, — I received here (where I pass a good deal of my
time) your favor of Oct. 22. covering a Prospectus of a new
edition of your Olive branch. I subscribe to it with pleasure,
because I believe it has done and will do much good, in holding
up the mirror to both parties, and exhibiting to both their politi
cal errors. That I have had my share of them, I am not vain
enough to doubt, and some indeed I have recognized. There
is one however which I do not, altho' charged to my account,
in your book, and as that is the subject of this letter, & I have
my pen in my hand, I will say a very few words on it. It is my
rejection of a British treaty without laying it before the Senate.
It has never, I believe, been denied that the President may re
ject a treaty after it's ratification has been advised by the Senate,
then certainly he may before that advice : and if he has made
up his mind to reject it, it is more respectful to the Senate to do
it without, than against their advice. It must not be said that
their advice may cast new light on it. Their advice is a bald
resolution of yea or nay, without assigning a single reason or
motive.
You ask if I mean to publish anything on the subject of a letter
of mine to my friend Charles Thompson ? Certainly not. I
write nothing for publication, and last of all things should it be
on the subject of religion. On the dogmas of religion as dis
tinguished from moral principles, all mankind, from the begin
ning of the world to this day, have been quarrelling, fighting,
burning and torturing one another, for abstractions unintelligible
68 THE WRITINGS OF [1816
to themselves and to all others, and absolutely beyond the com
prehension of the human mind. Were I to enter on that arena,
I should only add an unit to the number of Bedlamites. Accept
the assurance of my great esteem and respect.
TO GEORGE LOGAN. j. MSS.
POPLAR FOREST NEAR LYNCHBURG, Nov. 12, 16.
DEAR SIR, — I received your favor of Oct. 16, at this place,
where I pass much of my time, very distant from Monticello.
I am quite astonished at the idea which seems to have got abroad ;
that I propose publishing something on the subject of religion,
and this is said to have arisen from a letter of mine to my friend
Charles Thompson, in which certainly there is no trace of such
an idea. When we see religion split into so many thousand of
sects, and I may say Christianity itself divided into it's thousands
also, who are disputing, anathematizing and where the laws per
mit burning and torturing one another for abstractions which
no one of them understand, and which are indeed beyond the
comprehension of the human mind, into which of the chambers
of this Bedlam would a \torn\ man wish to thrust himself. The
sum of all religion as expressed by it's best preacher, ' fear god
and love thy neighbor ' contains no mystery, needs no explana
tion. But this wont do. It gives no scope to make dupes ;
priests could not live by it. Your idea of the moral obligations
of governments are perfectly correct. The man who is dishonest
as a statesman would be a dishonest man in any station. It is
strangely absurd to suppose that a million of human beings col
lected together are not under the same moral laws which bind
each of them separately. It is a great consolation to me that
our government, as it cherishes most it 's duties to its own citi
zens, so is it the most exact in it's moral conduct towards other
nations. I do not believe that in the four administrations which
have taken place, there has been a single instance of departure
from good faith towards other nations. We may sometimes have
mistaken our rights, or made an erroneous estimate of the ac
tions of others, but no voluntary wrong can be imputed to us.
THOMAS JEFFERSON. 69
In this respect England exhibits the most remarkable phaenom-
enon in the universe in the contrast between the profligacy of
it's government and the probity of it's citizens. And accord
ingly it is now exhibiting an example of the truth of the maxim
that virtue & interest are inseparable. It ends, as might have
been expected, in the ruin of it's people, but this ruin will fall
heaviest, as it ought to fall on that hereditary aristocracy which
has for generations been preparing the catastrophe. I hope we
shall take warning from the example and crush in it's birth the
aristocracy of our monied corporations which dare already to
challenge our government to a trial of strength and bid defiance
to the laws of our country. Present me respectfully to Mrs.
Logan and accept yourself my friendly and respectful salutations.
TO MRS. JOHN ADAMS. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, January n, 1817.
I owe you, dear Madam, a thousand thanks for the
letters communicated in your favor of December i5th,
and now returned. They give me more information
than I possessed before, of the family of Mr. Tracy.
But what is infinitely interesting, is the scene of the
exchange of Louis XVIII. for Bonaparte. What
lessons of wisdom Mr. Adams must have read in that
short space of time ! More than fall to the lot of
others in the course of a long life. Man, and the
man of Paris, under those circumstances, must have
been a subject of profound speculation ! It would be
a singular addition to that spectacle, to see the same
beast in the cage of St. Helena, like a lion in the
tower. That is probably the closing verse of the
chapter of his crimes. But not so with Louis. He
has other vicissitudes to go through.
70 THE WRITINGS OF [1817
I communicated the letters, according to your per
mission, to my grand-daughter, Ellen Randolph, who
read them with pleasure and edification. She is
justly sensible of, and flattered by your kind notice
of her ; and additionally so, by the favorable recollec
tions of our northern visiting friends. If Monticello
has anything which has merited their remembrance,
it gives it a value the more in our estimation ; and
could I, in the spirit of your wish, count backwards a
score of years, it would not be long before Ellen and
myself would pay our homage personally to Quincy.
But those twenty years! Alas! where are they?
With those beyond the flood. Our next meeting
must then be in the country to which they have
flown, — a country for us not now very distant. For
this journey we shall need neither gold nor silver in
our purse, nor scrip, nor coats, nor staves. Nor is
the provision for it more easy than the preparation
has been kind. Nothing proves more than this, that
the Being who presides over the world is essentially
benevolent. Stealing from us, one by one, the facul
ties of enjoyment, searing our sensibilities, leading us,
like the horse in his mill, round and round the same
beaten circle,
To see what we have seen,
To taste the tasted, and at each return
Less tasteful ; o'er our palates to decant
Another vintage —
Until satiated and fatigued with this leaden iteration,
we ask our own conge. I heard once a very old
friend, who had troubled himself with neither poets
1817] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 71
nor philosophers, say the same thing in plain prose,
that he was tired of pulling off his shoes and stock
ings at night, and putting them on again in the
morning. The wish to stay here is thus gradually
extinguished ; but not so easily that of returning,
once in awhile, to see how things have gone on.
Perhaps, however, one of the elements of future felic
ity is to be a constant and unimpassioned view of
what is passing here. If so, this may well supply the
wish of occasional visits. Mercier has given us a
vision of the year 2440 ; but prophecy is one thing,
and history another. On the whole, however, per
haps it is wise and well to be contented with the
good things which the master of the feast places be
fore us, and to be thankful for what we have, rather
than thoughtful about what we have not. You and
I, dear Madam, have already had more than an ordi
nary portion of life, and more, too, of health than the
general measure. On this score I owe boundless
thankfulness. Your health was, some time ago, not
so good as it has been ; and I perceive in the letters
communicated, some complaints still. I hope it is
restored ; and that life and health may be continued
to you as many years as yourself shall wish, is the
sincere prayer of your affectionate and respectful
friend.
TO JOHN ADAMS. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, January n, 1817.
DEAR SIR, — Forty-three volumes read in one year, and twelve
of them quarto ! Dear Sir, how I envy you ! Half a dozen oc-
72 THE WRITINGS OF [1817
tavos in that space of time, are as much as I am allowed. I can
read by candlelight only, and stealing long hours from my rest ;
nor would that time be indulged to me, could I by that light see
to write. From sunrise to one or two o'clock, and often from
dinner to dark, I am drudging at the writing table. And all this
to answer letters into which neither interest nor inclination on
my part enters ; and often from persons whose names I have
never before heard. Yet, writing civilly, it is hard to refuse
them civil answers. This is the burthen of my life, a very
grievous one indeed, and one which I must get rid of. Dela-
plaine lately requested me to give him a line on the subject of his
book ; meaning, as I well knew, to publish it. This I constantly
refuse ; but in this instance yielded, that in saying a word for
him, I might say two for myself. I expressed in it freely my suf
ferings from this source ; hoping it would have the effect of an
indirect appeal to the discretion of those, strangers and others,
who, in the most friendly dispositions, oppress me with their con
cerns, their pursuits, their projects, inventions and speculations,
political, moral, religious, mechanical, mathematical, historical,
&c., &c., &c. I hope the appeal will bring me relief, and that
I shall be left to exercise and enjoy correspondence with the
friends I love, and on subjects which they, or my own inclina
tions present. In that case, your letters shall not be so long on
my files unanswered, as sometimes they have been, to my great
mortification.
To advert now to the subjects of those of December the i2th
and i6th. Tracy's Commentaries on Montesquieu have never
been published in the original. Duane printed a translation from
the original manuscript a few years ago. It sold, I believe,
readily, and whether a copy can now be had, I doubt. If it can,
you will receive it from my bookseller in Philadelphia, to whom
I now write for that purpose. Tracy comprehends, under the
word " Ideology," all the subjects which the French term Morale,
as the correlative to Physique. His works on Logic, Govern
ment, Political Economy and Morality, he considers as making
up the circle of ideological subjects, or of those which are within
the scope of the understanding, and not of the senses. His
Logic occupies exactly the ground of Locke's work on the Un-
1817] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 73
derstanding. The translation of that on Political Economy
is now printing ; but it is no translation of mine. I have only
had the correction of it, which was, indeed, very laborious. Le
premier jet having been by some one who understood neither
French nor English, it was impossible to make it more than
faithful. But it is a valuable work.
The result of your fifty or sixty years of religious reading, in
the four words, " Be just and good," is that in which all our in
quiries must end ; as the riddles of all the priesthoods end in four
more, " ubi flam's, ibi deus." What all agree in, is probably right.
What no two agree in, most probably wrong. One of our fan-
coloring biographers, who paints small men as very great, inquired
of me lately, with real affection too, whether he might consider as
authentic, the change of my religion much spoken of in some cir
cles. Now this supposed that they knew what had been my
religion before, taking for it the word of their priests, whom I
certainly never made the confidants of my creed. My answer
was, "say nothing of my religion. It is known to my God and
myself alone. Its evidence before the world is to be sought in
my life ; if that has been honest and 'dutiful 'to society, the religion
which has regulated it cannot be a bad one." Affectionately
adieu.
TO WILLIAM SAMPSON. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Jan. 26, 17.
DEAR SIR, — I have read with great satisfaction the eloquent
pamphlet you were so kind as to send me, and sympathise with
every line of it. I was once a doubter whether the labor of the
Cultivator, aided by the creative powers of the earth itself, would
not produce more value than that of the manufacturer, alone and
unassisted by the dead subject on which he acted ? In other
words, whether the more we could bring into action of the ener
gies of our boundless territory, in addition to the labor of our citi
zens, the more would not be our gain ? But the inventions of
latter times, by labor-saving machines, do as much now for the
manufacturer, as the earth for the cultivator. Experience too has
proved that mine was but half the question. The other half is
74 THE WRITINGS OF [1817
whether Dollars & cents are to be weighed in the scale against
real independence ? The whole question then is solved ; at least
so far as respects our wants.
I much fear the effect on our infant establishments, of the pol
icy avowed by Mr. Brougham, and quoted in the pamphlet.
Individual British merchants may lose by the late immense im
portations ; but British commerce & manufactures, in the mass,
will gain by beating down the competition of ours, in our own
markets against this policy, our protecting duties are as noth
ing, our patriotism less. I turn, however, with some confidence
to a different auxiliary, a revolution in England, now, 1 believe
unavoidable. '1 he crisis so long expected, inevitable as death,
altho' uncertain like that in it's date, is at length arrived. Their
government has acted over again the fable of the frog and the
ox ; and their bloated system has burst. They have spent the
fee simple of the island in their inflated enterprises on the peace
and happiness of the rest of mankind. Their debts have conse
quently accumulated by their follies & frauds, until the interest
is equal to the aggregate rents of all the farms in their country*.
All these rents must go to pay interest, and nothing remains to
carry on the government. The possession alone of their lands is
now in the nominal owner ; the usufruct in the public creditors.
Their people too taxed up to 14. or 15. out of 16. hours of daily
labor, dying of hunger in the streets & fields. The survivors can
see for themselves the alternative only of following them or of
abolishing their present government of kings, lords, & borough-
commons, and establishing one in some other form, which will let
them live in peace with the world. It is not easy to foresee the
details of such a revolution, but I should not wonder to see the
deportation of their king to Indostan, and of their Prince Regent
to Botany Bay. There, imbecility might be governed by imbecility,
and vice by vice ; all in suit. Our wish for the good of the peo
ple of England, as well as for our own peace, should be that they
may be able to form for themselves such a constitution & govern
ment as may permit them to enjoy the fruits of their own labors in
peace, instead of squandering them in fomenting and paying
the wars of the world. But during these struggles, their artists
are to become soldiers. Their manufactures to cease, their com-
1817"! THOMAS JEFFERSON. 75
merce sink and our intercourse with them be suspended. This
interval of suspension may revive and fix our manufactures, wean
us from British aperies, and give us a national & independent
character of our own. I cannot say that all this will be, but that
it may be ; and it ought to be supplicated from heaven by the
prayers of the whole world that at length there may be ' on earth
peace, and good will towards men.' No country, more than your
native one, ought to pray & be prepared for this. I wish them
success, and to yourself health and prosperity.
TO CHARLES THOMSON.1 j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Janry. 29, 1817.
MY VERY DEAR & ANTIENT FRIEND, — I learnt
from your last letter, with much affliction, the severe
and singular attack, your health has lately sustained,
but its equally singular and sudden restoration con
firms my confidence in the strength of your constitu
tion of body and mind and my conclusions that
neither has received hurt, and that you are still ours
for a long time to come. We have both much to be
thankful for in the soundness of our physical organi
zation, and something for self approbation in the
order and regularity of life by which it has been pre
served. Your preceding letter had given me no cause
to doubt the continued strength of your mind, and
were it not that I am always peculiarly gratified by
hearing from you, I should regret you had thought
the incident with Mr. Delaplaine worth an explana
tion. He wrote me on the subject of my letter to
you of Janry. 9, 1816, and asked me questions which
I answer only to one Being. To himself, therefore,
I replied : " Say nothing of my Religion : it is known
1 From Collections of the N. Y. Historical Society, p. 267.
7 6 THE WRITINGS OF [1817
to my God and myself alone ; its evidence before the
world is to be sought in my life ; if that has been
honest and dutiful to society the Religion which has
regulated it cannot be a bad one." It is a singular
anxiety which some people have that we should all
think alike. Would the world be more beautiful were
all our faces alike ? were our tempers, our talents, our
tastes, our forms, our wishes, aversions and pursuits
cast exactly in the same mould ? If no varieties ex
isted in the animal, vegetable or mineral creation, but
all move strictly uniform, catholic & orthodox, what
a world of physical and moral monotony would it be !
These are the absurdities into which those run who
usurp the throne of God and dictate to Him what
He should have done. May they with all their
metaphysical riddles appear before that tribunal with
as clean hands and hearts as you and I shall. There,
suspended in the scales of eternal justice, faith and
works will show their worth by their weight. God
bless you and preserve you long in life & health.
TO DOCTOR THOMAS HUMPHREYS. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, February 8, 1817.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of January ad did not come to my
hands until the 5th instant. I concur entirely in your leading
principles of gradual emancipation, of establishment on the coast
of Africa, and the patronage of our nation until the emigrants
shall be able to protect themselves. The subordinate details
might be easily arranged. But the bare proposition of purchase
by the United States generally, would excite infinite indignation
in all the States north of Maryland. The sacrifice must fall on
the States alone which hold them ; and the difficult question will
1817] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 77
be how to lessen this so as to reconcile our fellow citizens to it.
Personally I am ready and desirous to make any sacrifice which
shall ensure their gradual but complete retirement from the State,
and effectually, at the same time, establish them elsewhere in free
dom and safety. But I have not perceived the growth of this
disposition in the rising generation, of which I once had sanguine
hopes. No symptoms inform me that it will take place in my
day. I leave it, therefore, to time, and not at all without hope
that the day will come, equally desirable and welcome to us as to
them. Perhaps the proposition now on the carpet at Washington
to provide an establishment on the coast of Africa for voluntary
emigrations of people of color, may be the corner stone of this
future edifice. Praying for its completion as early as may most
promote the good of all, I salute you with great esteem and
respect.
TO FRANCIS A. VAN DER KEMP. j. MSS.
MONTICEI.LO, Mar. 16. 17.
DEAR SIR, — I learn with real concern that the editor of the
Theological Repository possesses the name of the author of the
Syllabus, altho he coyly withholds it for the present, he will need
but a little coaxing to give it out and to let lose upon him the
genus irretabile vatum, there and here. Be it so. I shall receive
with folded arms all their hacking & hewing. I shall not ask
their passport to a country, which they claim indeed as theirs but
which was made, I trust, for moral man, and not for dogmatising
venal jugglers. Should they however, instead of abuse, appeal to
the tribunal of reason and fact, I shall really be glad to see on
what point they will begin their attack. For it expressly excludes
all questions of supernatural character or endowment. I am in
hopes it may find advocates as well as opposers, and produce for
us a temperate & full development. As to myself I shall be a
silent Auditor.
Mr. Adams's book on Feudal law, mentioned in your letter of
Feb : 2. I possessed, and it is now in the library at Washington
which I ceded to Congress. In the same letter you ask if I can
explain the phrase ' il est digne de porter le ruban gris de lin.' I
78 THE WRITINGS OF [1817
do not know that I can. gris de lin is the French designation of
the colour which the English call grizzle. The ruban gris de lin
may be the badge of some association, unknown, I acknowledge to
me, but to which the author from whom you quote it may have
some allusion. I shall be happy to learn that you pursue your
purpose as to the life of the great reformer, and more so in seeing
it accomplished. I return the Repository with thanks for the
opportunity of seeing it, and I pray you accept my friendly and
respectful salutations.1
'Jefferson further wrote to Van der Kemp :
MCNTICF.LLO, May i. 17.
DEAR SIR, — I thank you for your letter of Mar. 3O/ My mind is entirely
relieved by your assurance that my name did not cross the Atlantic in connection
with the Syllabus. The suggestion then of the Editor of the Theological Reposi
tory was like those of our newspaper editors who pretend they know every
thing, but in discretion will not tell us, while we see that they give us all they
know and a great deal more. I am now at the age of quietism, and wish not
to be kicked by the asses of hierophantism. I hope you will find time to take
up this subject. There are some new publications in Germany which would
greatly aid it, to wit,
Augusti's translation & commentary on the 7. Catholic epistles, in which he
has thrown great light on the opinions of the primitive Christians & on the
innovations of St. Paul, printed at Lemgo 1808. 2. vols. 8vo.
Palmer's Paul and Gamaliel. Giessen. 1806.
Munter's history of dogmas. Gottingen. 1806. shewing the formation of
the dogmatical system of Christianity.
Augusti's Manual of the history of Christian dogmas. Leipsic 1805.
Marteinacke's Manual of Ecclesiastical history. Erlangen 1806. developing
the simple ideas of the first Christians, and the causes & progress of the subse.
quent changes.
I have not written for these books, because I suppose they are in German
which I do not read ; but I expect they are profoundly learned on their subjects.
In answer to your inquiries respecting Rienzi, the best account I have met
with of this poor counterfeit of the Gracchi, who seems to have had enthusiasm
& eloquence, without either wisdom or firmness, is the 5th & 6th vols. of
Sigismondi. He quotes for his authority chiefly the Frammenti de Storia
Romana d'anonimo contemporaneo. Of the monk Borselaro I know nothing,
and my books are all gone to where they will be more useful, & my memory
waning under the hand of time. I think Bekker might have demanded a truce
from his antagonists on the question of a Hall, by desiring them first to fix it's
geography. But wherever it be, it is certainly the best patrimony of the church,
and procures them in exchange the solid acres of this world. I salute you with
entire esteem & respect.
1817] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 79
TO TRISTAM DALTON.1 j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, May 2, '17.
DEAR SIR, — I am indebted to you for your favor of Apr. 22,
and for the copy of the Agricultural magazine it covered, which
is indeed a very useful work. While I was an amateur in Agri
cultural science (for practical knolege my course of life never
permitted me) I was very partial to the drilled husbandry of Tull,
and thought still better of it when reformed by Young to 12 rows.
But I had not time to try it while young, and now grown old I
have not the requisite activity either of body or mind.
With respect to field culture of vegetables for cattle, instead of
the carrot and potato recommended by yourself and the magazine,
& the best of others, we find the Jerusalem artichoke best for
winter, & the Succory for Summer use. This last was brought
over from France to England by Arthur Young, as you will see in
his travels thro' France, & some of the seed sent by him to Genl.
Washington, who spared me a part of it. It is as productive as
the Lucerne, without its laborious culture, & indeed without any
culture except the keeping it clean the first year. The Jerusalem
artichoke far exceeds the potato in produce, and remains in the
ground thro' the winter to be dug as wanted. A method of
ploughing over hill sides horizontally, introduced into the most
hilly part of our country by Colo. T. M. Randolph, my son in law,
may be worth mentioning to you. He has practised it a dozen or
15 years, and it's advantages were so immediately observed that
it has already become very general, and has entirely changed and
renovated the face of our country. Every rain, before that, while
it gave a temporary refreshment, did permanent evil by carrying
off our soil : and fields were no sooner cleared than wasted. At
present we may say that we lose none of our soil, the rain not ab
sorbed in the moment of it's fall being retained in the hollows be
tween the beds until it can be absorbed. Our practice is when
we first enter on this process, with a rafter level of 10 f. span, to
lay off guide lines conducted horizontally around the hill or valley
from one end to the other of the field, and about 30 yards apart.
1 From a copy courteously furnished by Mr. Chester A. Stoddard, of Boston,
Mass.
8o THE WRITINGS OF [1817
The steps of the level on the ground are marked by a stroke of a
hoe, and immediately followed by a plough to preserve the trace.
A man or a lad, with the level, and two small boys, the one with
sticks, the other with the hoe, will do an acre of this in an hour,
and when once done it is forever done. We generally level a
field the year it is put into Indian corn laying it into beds of 6 ft.
wide, with a large water furrow between the beds, until all the
fields have been once leveled. The intermediate furrows are run
by the eye of the ploughman governed by these guide lines, & oc
casion gores which are thrown into short beds. As in ploughing
very steep hill sides horizontally the common ploughman can
scarcely throw the furrow uphill, Colo. Randolph has contrived a
very simple alteration of the share, which throws the furrow down
hill both going and coming. It is as if two shares were welded
together at their straight side, and at a right angle with each
other. This turns on it's bar as on a pivot, so as to lay either
share horizontal, when the other becoming verticle acts as a mould
board. This is done by the ploughman in an instant by a single
motion of the hand, at the end of every furrow. I enclose a bit
of paper cut into the form of the double share, which being
opened at the fold to a right angle, will give an idea of it's gen
eral principle. Horizontal and deep ploughing, with the use of
plaister and clover, which are but beginning to be used here will,
as we believe, restore this part of our country to it's original fer
tility, which was exceeded by no upland in the state. Believing
that some of these things might be acceptable to you I have
hazarded them as testimonials of my great esteem & respect.
TO GEORGE TICKNOR. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO [May ? 1817.]
DEAR SIR,— * * *
I suppose that your friends of Boston furnish you with our do
mestic news. Improvement is now the general word with us.
Canals, roads, education occupy principal attention. A bill which
had passed both houses of Congress for beginning these works,
was negatived by the President, on constitutional, and I believe,
1817] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 81
sound grounds ; that instrument not having placed this among
the enumerated objects to which they are authorized to apply the
public contributions. He recommended an application to the
states for an extension of their powers to this object, which will I
believe be unanimously conceded, & will be a better way of ob
taining the end, than by strained constructions, which would
loosen all the bands of the constitution. In the mean time the
states separately are going on with this work. New York is un
dertaking the most gigantic enterprise of uniting the waters of L.
Erie and the Hudson ; Jersey those of the Delaware & Raritan.
This state proposes several such works ; but most particularly
has applied itself to establishments for education, by taking up
the plan I proposed to them 40. years ago, which you will see
explained in the Notes on Virginia. They have provided for
this special object an ample fund, and a growing one. They pro
pose an elementary school in every ward or township, for reading,
writing and common arithmetic ; a college in every district, sup
pose of 80. or 100. miles square, for laying the foundations of the
sciences in general, to wit, languages, geography & the higher
branches of Arithmetic ; and a single University embracing every
science deemed useful in the present state of the world. This
last may very possibly be placed near Charlottesville, which you
know is under view from Monticello.
Amid these enlarged measures, the papers tell us of one by the
legislature of New York, so much in the opposite direction that it
would puzzle us to say in what, the darkest age of the history of
bigotry and barbarism, we should find an apt place for it. It is
said they have declared by law that all those who hereafter shall
join in communion with the religious sect of Shaking quakers,
shall be deemed civilly dead, their marriage vows dissolved, and
all their children and property taken from them ; without any
provision for rehabilitation in case of resipiscence. To prove
that this departure from the spirit of our institutions is local and
I hope merely momentary, Pennsylvania about the same time, re
jected a proposition to make the belief in a god a necessary quali
fication for office, altho' I presume there was not an Atheist in
their body : and" I dare say you have heard that when the law for
freedom of religion was before the Virginia legislature in which
VOL. X.— 6
82 THE WRITINGS OF [1817
the phrase ' the author of our holy religion ' happened to be they
rejected a proposition to prefix to it the name of 'Jesus Christ,'
altho certainly a great majority of them considered him as such.
Yet they would not undertake to say that for every one. The
New York law is so recent that nothing has yet been said about
it, & I do imagine if it has been past, their next legislature will
repeal it, and make an amende honorable to the general spirit of
their confederates. Nothing having yet appeared but the naked
act, without signature, or a word of the history of it's passage,
there is room to hope it has been merely an abortive attempt.
Of the Volcanic state of Europe I know little, and will say
nothing, and add to the length of this, for myself & the individ
uals of my family, who remember you with particular friendship,
the assurances of the highest esteem and respect.
June 6. 1817. P. S. the preceding written some time ago, is
now only despatched.
TO MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, May 14, 1817.
Although, dear Sir, much retired from the world,
and meddling little in its concerns, yet I think it al
most a religious duty to salute at times my old friends,
were it only to say and to know that " all 's well."
Our hobby has been politics ; but all here is so quiet,
and with you so desperate, that little matter is fur
nished us for active attention. With you too, it has
long been forbidden ground, and therefore imprudent
for a foreign friend to tread, in writing to you. But
although our speculations might be intrusive, our
prayers cannot but be acceptable, and mine are sin
cerely offered for the well-being of France. What
government she can bear, depends not on the state
of science, however exalted, in a select band of en-
1817] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 83
lightened men, but on the condition of the general
mind. That, I am sure, is advanced and will advance ;
and the last change of government was fortunate, in
asmuch as the new will be less obstructive to the
effects of that advancement. For I consider your
foreign military oppressions as an ephemeral obstacle
only.
Here all is quiet. The British war has left us in
debt ; but that is a cheap price for the good it has
done us. The establishment of the necessary manu
factures among ourselves, the proof that our govern
ment is solid, can stand the shock of war, and is
superior even to civil schism, are precious facts for
us ; and of these the strongest proofs were furnished,
when, with four eastern States tied to us, as dead to
living bodies, all doubt was removed as to the achieve
ments of the war, had it continued. But its best ef
fect has been the complete suppression of party. The
federalists who were truly American, and their great
mass was so, have separated from their brethren who
were mere Anglomen, and are received with cordiality
into the republican ranks. Even Connecticut, as a
State, and the last one expected to yield its steady
habits (which were essentially bigoted in politics as
well as religion), has chosen a republican governor,
and republican legislature. Massachusetts indeed
still lags ; because most deeply involved in the parri
cide crimes and treasons of the war. But her gan
grene is contracting, the sound flesh advancing on it,
and all there will be well. I mentioned Connecticut
as the most hopeless of our States. Little Delaware
84 THE WRITINGS OF [1817
had escaped my attention. That is essentially a
Quaker State, the fragment of a religious sect which,
there, in the other States, in England, are a homo
geneous mass, acting with one mind, and that directed
by the mother society in England. Dispersed, as the
Jews, they still form, as those do, one nation, foreign
to the land they live in. They are Protestant Jesuits,
implicitly devoted to the will of their superior, and
forgetting all duties to their country in the execution
of the policy of their order. When war is proposed
with England, they have religious scruples ; but
when with France, these are laid by, and they become
clamorous for it. They are, however, silent, passive,
and give no other trouble than of whipping them
along. Nor is the election of Monroe an inefficient
circumstance in our felicities. Four and twenty years,
which he will accomplish, of administration in repub
lican forms and principles, will so consecrate them in
the eyes of the people as to secure them against the
danger of change. The evanition of party dissensions
has harmonized intercourse, and sweetened society
beyond imagination. The war then has done us all
this good, and the further one of assuring the world,
that although attached to peace from a sense of its
blessings, we will meet war when it is made necessary.
I wish I could give better hopes of our southern
brethren. The achievement of their independence of
Spain is no longer a question. But it is a very seri
ous one, what will then become of them ? Ignorance
and bigotry, like other insanities, are incapable of
self-government. They will fall under military des-
1817] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 85
potism, and become the murderous tools of the ambi
tion of their respective Bonapartes ; and whether this
will be for their greater happiness, the rule of one
only has taught you to judge. No one, I hope, can
doubt my wish to see them and all mankind exer
cising self-government, and capable of exercising it.
But the question is not what we wish, but what is
practicable ? As their sincere friend and brother
then, I do believe the best thing for them, would be
for themselves to come to an accord with Spain, un
der the guarantee of France, Russia, Holland, and
the United States, allowing to Spain a nominal su
premacy, with authority only to keep the peace among
them, leaving them otherwise all the powers of self-
government, until their experience in them, their
emancipation from their priests, and advancement in
information, shall prepare them for complete inde
pendence. I exclude England from this confederacy,
because her selfish principles render her incapable of
honorable patronage or disinterested co-operation ;
unless, indeed, what seems now probable, a revolu
tion should restore to her an honest government, one
which will permit the world to live in peace. Portu
gal, grasping at an extension of her dominion in the
south, has lost her great northern province of Per-
nambuco, and I shall not wonder if Brazil should re
volt in mass, and send their royal family back to
Portugal. Brazil is more populous, more wealthy,
more energetic, and as wise as Portugal. I have
been insensibly led, my dear friend, while writing to
you, to indulge in that line of sentiment in which we
86 THE WRITINGS OF [1817
have been always associated, forgetting that these
are matters not belonging to my time. Not so with
you, who have still many years to be a spectator of
these events. That these years may indeed be many
and happy, is the sincere prayer of your affectionate
friend.
TO WILSON GARY NICHOLAS. J.MSS.
MONTICELLO June 10. 17.
DEAR SIR, — I am detaining from the Philosophical society
their copy of Colo. Byrd's journal, until I can learn whether I
may be permitted to send with it also the supplementary one of
which I obtained the loan thro' your favor. Will you be so good
as to favor me with the name of the person to whom it belongs,
that I may sollicit the permission without troubling you ?
Does your new bank propose to do any business with country
people ? I have been in the habit of asking small accommoda
tions occasionally from the Virginia bank where I had for some
time past a note of 2000 D. The disastrous corn-crop of the last
year & the excessive price of that article obliged me to apply to
them lately for an additional 2000 D. to be indulged until the
present crop should furnish new resources. They readily fur
nished the sum, but said the rules established for some time to
come would forbid them to renew it at the expiration of the 60.
days. Mr. Gibson, my correspondent & endorser advised me to
enquire in time whether I could be enabled by the US. bank
to take up the note when due, under a prospect of it's renewal
for some months. Will you be so good as to inform me on this
subject ? Your friends in our vicinity are all well. I salute you
with friendship and respect.
TO DOCTOR JOHN MANNERS. J.MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 12, 1817.
SIR, — Your favor of May 2oth has been received some time
since, but the increasing inertness of age renders me slow in
1817] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 87
obeying the calls of the writing-table, and less equal than I have
been to its labors.
My opinion on the right of Expatriation has been, so long ago
as the year 1776, consigned to record in the act of the Virginia
code, drawn by myself, recognizing the right expressly, and pre
scribing the mode of exercising it. The evidence of this natural
right, like that of our right to life, liberty, the use of our facul
ties, the pursuit of happiness, is not left to the feeble and sophis
tical investigations of reason, but is impressed on the sense of
every man. We do not claim these under the charters of kings
or legislators, but under the King of kings. If he has made it
a law in the nature of man to pursue his own happiness, he has
left him free in the choice of place as well as mode ; and we
may safely call on the whole body of English jurists to produce
the map on which Nature has traced, for each individual, the
geographical line which she forbids him to cross in pursuit of
happiness. It certainly does not exist in his mind. Where,
then, is it ? I believe, too, I might safely affirm, that there is
not another nation, civilized or savage, which has ever denied
this natural right. I doubt if there is another which refuses its
exercise. I know it is allowed in some of the most respectable
countries of continental Europe, nor have I ever heard of one in
which it was not. How it is among our savage neighbors, who
have no law but that of Nature, we all know.
Though long estranged from legal reading and reasoning, and
little familiar with the decisions of particular judges, I have con
sidered that respecting the obligation of the common law in this
country as a very plain one, and merely a question of document.
If we are under that law, the document which made us so can
surely be produced ; and as far as this can be produced, so far we
are subject to it, and farther we are not. Most of the States did,
I believe, at an early period of their legislation, adopt the English
law, common and statute, more or less in a body, as far as locali
ties admitted of their application. In these States, then, the
common law, so far as adopted, is the lex-loci. Then comes the
law of Congress, declaring that what is law in any State, shall
be the rule of decision in their courts, as to matters arising within
that State, except when controlled by their own statutes. But
88 THE WRITINGS OF [1817
this law of Congress has been considered as extending to civil
cases only ; and that no such provision has been made for crim
inal ones. A similar provision, then, for criminal offences, would,
in like manner, be an adoption of more or less of the common
law, as part of the lex-loci, where the offence is committed ; and
would cover the whole field of legislation for the general gov
ernment. I have turned to the passage you refer to in Judge
Cooper's Justinian, and should suppose the general expressions
there used would admit of modifications conformable to this
doctrine. It would alarm me indeed, in any case, to find my
self entertaining an opinion different from that of a judgment so
accurately organized as his. But I am quite persuaded that,
whenever Judge Cooper shall be led to consider that question
simply and nakedly, it is so much within his course of thinking,
as liberal as logical, that, rejecting all blind and undefined obliga
tion, he will hold to the positive and explicit precepts of the law
alone. Accept these hasty sentiments on the subjects you pro
pose, as hazarded in proof of my great esteem and respect.
TO BARON F. H. ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT. J.MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 13, 1817.
DEAR SIR, — The receipt of your Distributio Geographica
Plantarum, with the duty of thanking you for a work which
sheds so much new and valuable light on botanical science, ex
cites the desire, also, of presenting myself to your recollection,
and of expressing to you those sentiments of high admiration
and esteem, which, although long silent, have never slept. The
physical information you have given us of a country hitherto so
shamefully unknown, has come exactly in time to guide our
understandings in the great political revolution now bringing it
into prominence on the stage of the world. The issue of its strug
gles, as they respect Spain, is no longer matter of doubt. As it
respects their own liberty, peace and happiness, we cannot be
quite so certain. Whether the blinds of bigotry, the shackles
of the priesthood, and the fascinating glare of rank and wealth,
give fair play to the common sense of the mass of their people,
1817] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 89
so far as to qualify them for self-government, is what we do not
know. Perhaps our wishes may be stronger than our hopes.
The first principle of republicanism is, that the lex-majoris partis
is the fundamental law of every society of individuals of equal
rights ; to consider the will of the society enounced by the ma
jority of a single vote, as sacred as if unanimous, is the first of
all lessons in importance, yet the last which is thoroughly learnt.
This law once disregarded, no other remains but that of force,
which ends necessarily in military despotism. This has been
the history of the French revolution, and I wish the understand
ing of our Southern brethren may be sufficiently enlarged and
firm to see that their fate depends on its sacred observance.
In our America we are turning to public improvements.
Schools, roads, and canals, are everywhere either in operation or
contemplation. The most gigantic undertaking yet proposed, is
that of New York, for drawing the waters of Lake Erie into the
Hudson. The distance is 353 miles, and the height to be sur
mounted 66 1 feet. The expense will be great, but its effect
incalculably powerful in favor of the Atlantic States. Internal
navigation by steamboats is rapidly spreading through all our
States, and that by sails and oars will ere long be looked back to
as among the curiosities of antiquity. We count much, too, on
its efficacy for harbor defence ; and it will soon be tried for nav
igation by sea. We consider the employment of the contribu
tions which our citizens can spare, after feeding, and clothing,
and lodging themselves comfortably, as more useful, more moral,
and even more splendid, than that preferred by Europe, of
destroying human life, labor and happiness.
I write this letter without knowing where it will find you.
But wherever that may be, I am sure it will find you engaged in
something instructive for man. If at Paris, you are of course in
habits of society with Mr. Gallatin, our worthy, our able, and ex
cellent minister, who will give you, from time to time, the de
tails of the progress of a country in whose prosperity you are so
good as to feel an interest, and in which your name is revered
among those of the great worthies of the world. God bless you,
and preserve you long to enjoy the gratitude of your fellow men,
and to be blessed with honors, health and happiness.
9o THE WRITINGS OF [1817
TO ALBERT GALLATIN. J. MSS,
MONTICELLO, June 16, 1817.
DEAR SIR, — The importance that the enclosed letters should
safely reach their destination, impels me to avail myself of the
protection of your cover. This is an inconvenience to which
your situation exposes you, while it adds to the opportunities of
exercising yourself in works of charity.
According to the opinion I hazarded to you a little before your
departure, we have had almost an entire change in the body of
Congress. The unpopularity of the compensaiion law was com
pleted, by the manner of repealing it as to all the world except
themselves. In some States, it is said, every member is changed ;
in all, many. What opposition there was to the original law,
was chiefly from southern members. Yet many of those have
been left out, because they received the advanced wages. I
have never known so unanimous a sentiment of disapprobation ;
and what is remarkable is, that it was spontaneous. The news
papers were almost entirely silent, and the people not only unled
by their leaders, but in opposition to them. I confess I was
highly pleased with this proof of the innate good sense, the vigi
lance, and the determination of the people to act for them
selves.
Among the laws of the late Congress, some were of note ; a
navigation act, particularly, applicable to those nations only who
have navigation acts ; pinching one of them especially, not only
in the general way, but in the intercourse with her foreign pos
sessions. This part may re-act on us, and it remains for trial
which may bear longest. A law respecting our conduct as a
neutral between Spain and her contending colonies, was passed
by a majority of one only, I believe, and against the very general
sentiment of our country. It is thought to strain our complai
sance to Spain beyond her right or merit, and almost against
the right of the party, and certainly against the claims they
have to our good wishes and neighborly relations. That we
should wish to see the people of other countries free, is as natural,
and at least as justifiable, as that one King should wish to see the
Kings of other countries maintained in their despotism. Right
1817] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 91
to both parties, innocent favor to the juster cause, is our proper
sentiment.
You will have learned that an act for internal improvement,
after passing both Houses, was negatived by the President. The
act was founded, avowedly, on the principle that the phrase in
the constitution which authorizes Congress " to lay taxes, to pay
the debts and provide for the general welfare," was an extension
of the powers specifically enumerated to whatever would promote
the general welfare ; and this, you know, was the federal doc
trine. Whereas, our tenet ever was, and, indeed, it is almost the
only landmark which now divides the federalists from the re
publicans, that Congress had not unlimited powers t6 provide for
the general welfare, but were restrained to those specifically enu
merated ; and that, as it was never meant they should provide
for that welfare but by the exercise of the enumerated powers,
so it could not have been meant they should raise money for pur
poses which the enumeration did not place under their action ;
consequently, that the specification of powers is a limitation of
the purposes for which they may raise money. I think the pas
sage and rejection of this bill a fortunate incident. Every State
will certainly concede the power ; and this will be a national
confirmation of the grounds of appeal to them, and will settle
forever the meaning of this phrase, which, by a mere grammati
cal quibble, has countenanced the General Government in a
claim of universal power. For in the phrase, " to lay taxes, to
pay the debts and provide for the general welfare," it is a mere
question of syntax, whether the two last infinitives are governed
by the first or are distinct and co-ordinate powers ; a question
unequivocally decided by the exact definition of powers imme
diately following. It is fortunate for another reason, as the
States, in conceding the power, will modify it, either by requir
ing the federal ratio of expense in each State, or otherwise, so
as to secure us against its partial exercise. Without this caution,
intrigue, negotiation, and the barter of votes might become as
habitual in Cong'ress, as they are in those legislatures which have
the appointment of officers, and which, with us, is called " log
ging," the term of the farmers for their exchanges of aid in roll
ing together the logs of their newly-cleared grounds. Three of
92 THE WRITINGS OF [1817
our papers have presented us the copy of an act of the legislature
of New York, which, if it has really passed, will carry us back
to the times of the darkest bigotry and barbarism, to find a paral
lel. Its purport is, that all those who shall hereafter join in
communion with the religious sect of Shaking Quakers, shall be
deemed civilly dead, their marriages dissolved, and all their child
ren and property taken out of their hands. This act being pub
lished nakedly in the papers, without the usual signatures, or any
history of the circumstances of its passage, I am not without a
hope it may have been a mere abortive attempt. It contrasts
singularly with a cotemporary vote of the Pennsylvania legisla
ture, who, on a proposition to make the belief in God a neces
sary qualification for office, rejected it by a great majority,
although assuredly there was not a single atheist in their body.
And you remember to have heard, that when the act for religious
freedom was before the Virginia Assembly, a motion to insert the
name of Jesus Christ before the phrase, " the author of our holy
religion," which stood in the bill, was rejected, although that
was the creed of a great majority of them.
I have been charmed to see that a Presidential election now
produces scarcely any agitation. On Mr. Madison's election there
was little, on Monroe's all but none. In Mr. Adams' time and
mine, parties were so nearly balanced as to make the struggle
fearful for our peace. But since the decided ascendency of the
republican body, federalism has looked on with silent but unre
sisting anguish. In the middle, southern and western States, it
is as low as it ever can be ; for nature has made some men mon
archists and tories by their constitution, and some, of course,
there always will be.
TO CHARLES CLAY.
POPLAR FOREST, July 12, 17.
DEAR SIR, — This is the only fair day since you
were here, & being to depart to-morrow, I must em
ploy it otherwise than in paying the visit I had in-
i8i?l THOMAS JEFFERSON. 93
tended you. I shall be back however within 3 weeks
and have time then to render the double.
In the mean while as your Paul is desirous of lay
ing up useful things in the storehouse of his mind, I
send him a little bundle of canons of conduct which
may merit a shelf after the one occupied by the
Decalogue of first authority. If he will get them by
heart, occasions will not be wanting for their useful
application. You can furnish him also with another
decad, and regulating his life by this code of practice
it may bring pleasure and profit to himself, and praise
from others. Wishing pleasure, profit, and praise to
him, to you and yours, I salute you with constant
friendship and respect.1
TO GOODMAN, REED, BOYER & DUANE.
POPLAR FOREST NEAR LYNCHBURG, Aug. 21, 17.
MESSRS. GOODMAN, REED, BOYER & DUANE :
Your letter of the 6th inst. is delivered to me at this place with
an extract from the Franklin Republican of July 29. in these
1 Th. Jefferson to Paul Clay.
" I. Never spend your money before you have it.
2. Never buy what you don't want, because it is cheap : it will be dear to
you.
3. Pride costs more than hunger, thirst and cold.
4. Never put off till to-morrow what you can do to-day.
5. Never trouble another for what you can do yourself.
6. Think as you please and let others do so : you will then have no
disputes.
7. How much pain have cost us the things which have never happened.
8. Take things always by their smooth handle.
9. When angry count 10. before you speak. If very angry 100.
10. When at table, remember that we never repent of having eaten or drunk
too little.
Haec animo concipe dicta tuo et vale."
94 THE WRITINGS OF [1817
words. 'Extract of a letter from Virginia. July 13. 1817. The
day before yesterday I was at Monticello, & had the gratification
to hear the chief of the elevated group there (Mr. Jefferson) ex
press his anxious wish for the success of the democratic republican
gubernatorial candidate in Pensylvania — As he says he has no
opinion of tool or turnabout politicians just to serve their oiun ag
grandisement' Now I declare to you, Gentlemen, on my honor
that I never expressed a sentiment, or uttered a syllable to any
mortal living on the subject of the election referred to in this
extract. It is one into which I have never permitted even my
wishes to enter, entertaining as I do a high respect for both the
characters in competition, and not doubting that the state of
Pensylvania will be happier under the government of either. If
any further proof of the falsehood of this letter writer were
required, it would be found in the fact that on the nth of July,
when he pretends to have seen me at Monticello, & to have been
entrusted by me with expressions so highly condemnable, I was
at this place 90 miles South West of that, attending to my harvest
here. I had left Monticello on the 29th of June, & did not return
to it until the i5th of July. The facts of my absence from the
one place, & presence at the other, at that date, are well known
to many inhabitants of the town of Charlottesville near the one, &
of Lynchburg near the other place.
I am duly sensible of the sentiments of respect with which you
are pleased to honor me in your letter, as I am also of those con-
concerning myself in the resolutions of the respectable Com
mittee of the New market ward, who have been led into error
by this very false letter writer. These, I trust, will not be less
ened on either side by my assurance that, considering this as a
family question I do not allow myself to take any part in it, and
the less as the issue either way cannot be unfavorable to repub
lican government. I tender to both parties sincere sentiments
of esteem & respect.
TO GEORGE TICKNOR. J.MSS.
POPLAR FOREST NEAR LYNCHBURG, Nov. 25. 17.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of Aug. 14. was delivered to me as I
was setting out for the distant possession from which I now write,
1817] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 95
& to which I pay frequent & long visits. On my arrival here I
make it my first duty to write the letter you request to Mr. Erv-
ing, and to in close itin this under cover to your father that you
may get it in time. My letters are always letters of thanks be
cause you are always furnishing occasion for them. I am very
glad you have been so kind as to make the alteration you mention
in the Herodotus & Livy I had asked from the Messrs. Desbures.
I have not yet heard from them, but daily expect to do so, and to
learn the arrival of my books. I shall probably send them an
other catalogue early in spring ; every supply from them fur
nishing additional materials for my happiness.
I had before heard of the military ingredients which Bonaparte
had infused into all the schools of France, but have never so well
understood them as from your letter. The penance he is now
doing for all his atrocities must be soothing to every virtuous
heart. It proves that we have a god in heaven. That he is just,
and not careless of what passes in this world. And we cannot
but wish to this inhuman wretch, a long, long life, that time as
well as intensity may fill up his sufferings to the measure of his
enormities. But indeed what sufferings can atone for his crimes
against the liberties & happiness of the human race ; for the mis
eries he has already inflicted on his own generation, & on those
yet to come, on whom he has rivetted the chains of despotism !
I am now entirely absorbed in endeavours to effect the estab
lishment of a general system of education in my native state, on
the triple basis, x, of elementary schools which shall give to the
children of every citizen gratis, competent instruction in reading,
writing, common arithmetic, and general geography. 2. Collegi
ate institutions for antient & modern languages, for higher instruc
tion in arithmetic, geography & history, placing for these purposes
a college within a day's ride of every inhabitant of the state, and
adding a provision for the full education at the public expence of
select subjects'from among the children of the poor, who shall have
exhibited at the elementary schools the most prominent indica
tions of aptness of judgment & correct disposition. 3. An Uni
versity in which all the branches of science deemed useful at this
day, shall be taught in their highest degree. This would probably
require ten or twelve professors, for most of whom we shall be
96 THE WRITINGS OF [i8i&
obliged to apply to Europe, and most likely to Edinburg, because
of the greater advantage the students will receive from communi
cations made in their native language. This last establishment
will probably be within a mile of Charlottesville, and four from
Monticello, if the system should be adopted at all by our legisla
ture who meet within a week from this time. My hopes however
are kept in check by the ordinary character of our state legisla
tures, the members of which do not generally possess information
enough to perceive the important truths, that knolege is power,
that knolege is safety, and that knolege is happiness.
In the meantime, and in case of failure of the broader plan, we
are establishing a college of general science, at the same situation
near Charlottesville, the scale of which, of necessity will be much
more moderate, as resting on private donations only. These
amount at present to about 75,000 Dollars. The buildings are
begun, and by midsummer we hope to have two or three profess
orships in operation. Would to god we could have two or three
duplicates of yourself, the original being above our means and
hopes. If then we fail in doing all the good we wish, we will do
at least all we can. This is the law of duty in every society of
free agents, where every one has equal right to judge for himself.
God bless you, and give to the means of benefiting mankind
which you will bring home with you, all the success your high
qualifications ought to insure.
TO WILLIAM WIRT. j. MSS,
MONTICELLO, January 5, 1818.
I have first to thank you, dear Sir, for the copy of your late
work which you have been so kind as to send me, and then to
render you double congratulations, first, on the general applause
it has so justly received, and next on the public testimony of
esteem for its author, manifested by your late call to the execu
tive councils of the nation. All this I do heartily, and then pro
ceed to a case of business on which you will have to advise the
government on the threshold of your office. You have seen the
i8i8] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 97
death of General Kosciusko announced in the papers in such a
way as not to be doubted. He had in the funds of the United
States a very considerable sum of money, on the interest of
which he depended for subsistence. On his leaving the United
States, in 1798, he placed it under my direction by a power of
attorney, which I executed entirely through Mr. Barnes, who
regularly remitted his interest. But he left also in my hands an
autograph will, disposing of his funds in a particular course of
charity, and making me his executor. The question the govern
ment will ask of you, and which I therefore ask, is in what court
must this will be proved, and my qualification as executor be re
ceived, to justify the United States in placing these funds under
the trust ? This is to be executed wholly in this State, and will
occupy so long a course of time beyond what I can expect to
live, that I think to propose to place it under the Court of Chan
cery. The place of probate generally follows the residence of
the testator. That was in a foreign country in the present case.
Sometimes the bona notabilia. The evidences or representations
of these (the certificates) are in my hands. The things repre
sented (the money) in those of the United States. But where
are the United States ? Everywhere, I suppose, where they have
government or property liable to the demand on payment. That
is to say, in every State of the Union, in this, for example, as
well as any other, strengthened by the circumstances of the de
posit of the will, the residence of the executor, and the place
where the trust is to be executed. In no instance, I believe,
does the mere habitation of the debtor draw to it the place of
probate, and if it did, the United States are omnipresent by their
functionaries, as well as property in every State of the Union. I
am led by these considerations to suppose our district or general
court competent to the object ; but you know best, and by your
advice, sanctioned by the Secretary of the Treasury, I shall act.
I write to the Secretary on this subject. If our district court will
do, I can attend it personally ; if the general court only be com
petent, I am in hopes it will find means of dispensing with my
personal attendance. I salute you with affectionate esteem and
respect.
VOL.
98 THE WRITINGS OF [1818
TO JOSEPH C. CABELL.1
MONTICELLO, Jan. 14, 1818.
DEAR SIR, — When on the 6th inst. I was answering yours of
Dec. 29, I was so overwhelmed with letters to be answered, that I
could not take time to notice the objection stated, " that it was
apprehended that neither the people, nor their representatives,
would agree to the plan of assessment on the wards for the ex
penses of the ward schools." I suppose that this is meant the
" pecuniary expense of wages to the tutor " ; for, as to what the
people are to do, or to contribute in kind, every one who knows
the situation of our people in the country, knows it will not be
felt. The building the long houses will employ the laborers of
the ward three or four days in every 20 years. The contributions
for subsistence, if averaged on the families, would be 8 or 9 Ibs.
of pork, and a half a bushel of corn for a family of middling cir
cumstances — not more than 2 days subsistence of the family and
its stock — and less in proportion as it could spare less. There is
not a family in the country so poor as to feel this contribution.
It must then be the assessment of the pecuniary contribution
which is thought so formidable an addition to the property tax
we now pay to the state that " neither the people, nor their repre
sentatives would agree to." Now, let us look this objection in
the face, and bring it to the unerring test of figures ; — premising
that this pecuniary tax is to be of 150 dollars on a ward.
Not possessing the documents which would give me the num
bers to be quoted, correctly to a unit, I shall use round numbers,
so near the truth, that with the further advantage of facilitating
our calculations as we go a long, they will make no sensible error
in the result. I will proceed therefore on the following postu
lates, and on the ground that there are in the whole state 100
counties and cities.
In the whole In every county on
state. an average.
The free white inhabitants of all ages and
sexes, at the last census were 600,000 6,000
The number of militia were somewhere
about 80,000 800
1 From Niles's Register, vol. xiv., p. 174.
i8i8] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 99
In the whole In every county on
state. an average.
The number of captain's companies, of 67
each would be about 1,200 12
Free white inhabitants for every militia
company, 600,000-1200 500 oo
The tax on property paid to the state is
nearly 500,000 5,ooo
Let us then proceed on these data, to compare the expense of
the proposed and of the existing system of primary schools. I
have always supposed that the wards should be laid off as to com
prehend the number of inhabitants necessary to furnish a captains
company of militia. This is before stated at 500 persons of all
ages and sexes. From the tables of mortality (Buff on *s) we find
that where there are 500 persons of all ages and sexes, there will
always be 14 in their loth year, 13 and a fraction in their nth,
and 13 in their i2th year; so that the children of these three
years (which are those that ought to be devoted to the elementary
schools) will be a constant number of 40 ; about enough to occupy
one teacher constantly. His wages of $150, partitioned on these
40, make their teaching cost $3^- a-piece, annually. If we reckon
as many heads of families in a ward as there are militia (as I
think we may, the unmarried militia men balancing, in numbers,
the married and unmarried exempts) $150 on 67 heads of families
(if levied equally) would be $2,24 on each. At the same time
the property tax on the ward being $5000 :-i2, or $416, and that
again subdivided on 67 heads of families (if it were levied equally)
would be $6,20 on a family of middling circumstances, the tax
which it now pays to the state. So that to $6,20, the present
state tax, the school tax, would add $2,24, which is about 36 cents
to the dollar, or one third to the present property tax : and to the
whole state would be $150 X 1200 wards equal to $180,000 of tax
added to the present $500,000.
Now let us see what the present primary schools cost us, on the
supposition that all the children of 10, n and 12 years old are, as
they ought to be, at school : and if they are not, so much the
worse is the system : for they will be untaught, and their igno
rance and vices will, in future life cost us much dearer in their
ioo THE WRITINGS OF [1818
consequences, than it would have done, in their correction, by a
good education.
I am here at a loss to say what is now paid to our English ele
mentary schools, generally, through the state. In my own neigh
borhood, those who formerly received from 205 to 305 a scholar,
now have from 20 to 30 dollars ; and having no other informa
tion to go on, I must use my own numbers, the result of which,
however, will be easily corrected, and accomodated to the average
price through the state, when ascertained ; and will yet, I am per
suaded, leave abundance of difference between the two systems.
Taking a medium of $25, the 40 pupils in each ward now cost
$1000 a year, instead of $150, or $15 on a family, instead of $2,
24 ; and 1200 wards cost to the whole state $1,200,000 of tax, in
addition to the present $500,000 instead of $180,000 only ; pro
ducing a difference of $1,020,000 in favor of the ward system,
more than doubling the present tax, instead of adding one third
only, and should the price of tuition, which I have adopted from
that in my own neighborhood, be much above the average thro'
the state, yet no probable correction will bring the two systems
near a level.
But take into consideration, also, the important difference, that
the $1,200,000 are now paid by the people as a poll tax, the poor
having as many children as the rich, and paying the whole tuition
money themselves ; whereas, on the proposed ward levies the
poor man would pay in proportion to his hut and peculium only,
which the rich would pay on their palaces and principalities. It
cannot, then be that the people will not agree to have their tuition
tax lightened by levies on the ward rather than on themselves ;
and as little believe that their " representatives " will disagree to
it ; for even the rich will pay less than they do now. The por
tion of the $180,000, which, on the ward system, they will pay for
the education of the poor as well as of their own children, will not
be as much as they now pay for their own alone.
And will the wealthy individual have no retribution ? and what
will this be ? i. The peopling his neighborhood with honest,
useful and enlightened citizens, understanding their own rights
and firm in their perpetuation. 2. When his own descendants
became poor, which they generally do within three generations,
i8i8] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 101
(no law of Primogeniture now perpetuating wealth in the same
families) their children will be educated by the then rich, and the
little advance he now makes to poverty, while rich himself, will
be repaid by the then rich, to his descendants when become poor,
and thus give them a chance of rising again. This is a solid consid
eration, and should go home to the bosom of every parent. This
will be seed sowed in fertile ground. It is a provision for his
family looking to distant times, and far in duration beyond that
he has now in hand for them. Let every man count backwards
in his own family, and see how many generations he can go,
before he comes to the ancestor who made the fortune he now
holds. Most will be stopped at the first generation, many at the
2d, few will reach the third, and not one in the state go beyond
the 5th.
I know that there is much prejudice, even among the body of
the people, against the expense and even the practicability of
a sufficient establishment of elementary schools, but I think it
proceeds from vague ideas on a subject they have never brought
to the test of facts and figures ; but our representatives will
fathom its depths, and the people could and would do the same,
if the facts and considerations belonging to the subject were pre
sented to their minds and their subsequent as certainly as their
previous approbation, would be secured.
But if the whole expense of the elementary schools, wages, sub
sistence and buildings are to come from the literary fund, and if
we are to wait until that fund shall be accumulated to the requi
site amount, we justly fear that some one unlucky legislature will
intervene within the time, charge the whole appropriation to the
lightening of taxes, and leave us where we now are.
There is, however, an intermediate measure which might bring
the two plans together. If the literary fund be of one and a half
million of dollars, take the half million for the colleges and uni
versity, it will establish them meagrely and make a deposite of
the remaining million. Its interest of $60,000 will give $50 a year
to each ward, towards the teacher's wages, and reduce the tax to
24 instead of 36 cents to the dollar ; and as the literary fund con
tinues to accumulate give one-third of the increase to the colleges
and university and two-thirds to the ward schools. The increas-
102 THE WRITINGS OF [1818
ing interest of this last portion will be continually lessening the
school tax, until it will extinguish it altogether ; the subsistence
and buildings remaining always to be furnished by the ward
in kind.
A system of general instruction, which shall reach every descrip
tion of our citizens from the richest to the poorest, as it was the
earliest, so will it be the latest of all the public concerns in which
I shall permit myself to take an interest. Nor am I tenacious of
the form in which it shall be introduced. Be that what it may,
our descendants will be as wise as we are, and will know how to
amend and amend it, until it shall suit their circumstances. Give
it to us, then in any shape, and receive for the inestimable boon
the thanks of the young and the blessings of the old, who are past
all other services but prayers for the prosperity of their country
and blessings for those who promote it.
TO DR. BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, March 3, 1818.
DEAR SIR, — I have just received your favor of February 2oth,
in which you observe that Mr. Wirt, on page 47 of his Life of
Patrick Henry, quotes me as saying that " Mr. Henry certainly
gave the first impulse to the ball of revolution." I well recollect
to have used some such expression in a letter to him, and am tol
erably certain that our own State being the subject under contem
plation, I must have used it with respect to that only. Whether
he has given it a more general aspect I cannot say, as the pas
sage is not in the page you quote, nor, after thumbing over much
of the book, have I been able to find it.1 In page 417 there is
something like it, but not the exact expression, and even there it
may be doubted whether Mr. Wirt had his eye on Virginia alone,
or on all the colonies. But the question, who commenced the
revolution ? is as difficult as that of the first inventors of a thou
sand good things. For example, who first discovered the prin
ciple of gravity ? Not Newton ; for Galileo, who died the year
1 It was on page 41.
i8i8] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 103
that Newton was born, had measured its force in the descent of
gravid bodies. Who invented the Lavoiserian chemistry ? The
English say Dr. Black, by the preparatory discovery of latent
heat. Who invented the steamboat ? Was it Gerbert, the Mar
quis of Worcester, Newcomen, Savary, Papin, Fitch, Fulton ?
The fact is, that one new idea leads to another, that to a third,
and so on through a course of time until some one, with whom
no one of these ideas was original, combines all together, and
produces what is justly called a new invention. I suppose it
would be as difficult to trace our revolution to its first embryo.
We do not know how long it was hatching in the British cabinet
before they ventured to make the first of the experiments which
were to develop it in the end and to produce complete parliament
ary supremacy. Those you mention in Massachusetts as preced
ing the stamp act, might be the first visible symptoms of that
design. The proposition of that act in 1764, was the first here.
Your opposition, therefore, preceded ours, as occasion was sooner
given there than here, and the truth, I suppose, is, that the oppo
sition in every colony began whenever the encroachment was
presented to it. This question of priority is as the inquiry would
be who first, of the three hundred Spartans, offered his name to
Leonidas ? I shall be happy to see justice done to the merits of
all, by the unexceptionable umpirage of date and facts, and es
pecially from the pen which is proposed to be employed in it.
I rejoice, indeed, to learn from you that Mr. Adams retains the
strength of his memory, his faculties, his cheerfulness, and even
his epistolary industry. This last is gone from me. The aver
sion has been growing on me for a considerable time, and now,
near the close of seventy-five, is become almost insuperable. I
am much debilitated in body, and my memory sensibly on the
wane. Still, however, I enjoy good health and spirits, and am
as industrious a reader as when a student at college. Not of
newspapers. These I have discarded. I relinquish, as I ought
to do, all intermeddling with public affairs, committing myself
cheerfully to the watch and care of those for whom, in my turn
I have watched and cared. When I contemplate the immense
advances in science and discoveries in the arts which have been
made within the period of my life, I look forward with confi-
104 THE WRITINGS OF [1818
dence to equal advances by the present generation, and have no
doubt they will consequently be as much wiser than we have
been as we than our fathers were, and they than the burners of
witches. Even the metaphysical contest, which you so pleas
antly described to me in a former letter, will probably end in
improvement, by clearing the mind of Platonic mysticism and
unintelligible jargon. Although age is taking from me the power
of communicating by letter with my friends as industriously as
heretofore, I shall still claim with them the same place they will
ever hold in my affections, and on this ground I, with sincerity
and pleasure, assure you of my great esteem and respect.
TO NATHANIEL BURWELL. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, March 14, 1818.
DEAR SIR, — Your letter of February zyth found me suffering
under an attack of rheumatism, which has but now left me at
sufficient ease to attend to the letters I have received. A plan
of female education has never been a subject of systematic con
templation with me. It has occupied my attention so far only as
the education of my own daughters occasionally required. Con
sidering that they would be placed in a country situation, where
little aid could be obtained from abroad, I thought it essential to
give them a solid education, which might enable them, when be
come mothers, to educate their own daughters, and even to di
rect the course for sons, should their fathers be lost, or incapable,
or inattentive. My surviving daughter accordingly, the mother
of many daughters as well as sons, has made their education the
object of her life, and being a better judge of the practical part
than myself, it is with her aid and that of one of her eleves that
I shall subjoin a catalogue of the books for such a course of read
ing as we have practiced.
A great obstacle to good education is the inordinate passion
prevalent for novels, and the time lost in that reading which
should be instructively employed. When this poison infects
the mind, it destroys its tone and revolts it against wholesome
reading. Reason and fact, plain and unadorned, are rejected.
x8i8] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 105
Nothing can engage attention unless dressed in all the figments
of fancy, and nothing so bedecked comes amiss. The result is a
bloated imagination, sickly judgment, and disgust towards all
the real businesses of life. This mass of trash, however, is not
without some distinction ; some few modelling their narratives,
although fictitious, on the incidents of real life, have been able
to make them interesting and useful vehicles of a sound morality.
Such, I think, are Marmontel's new moral tales, but not his old
ones, which are really immoral. Such are the writings of Miss
Edgeworth, and some of those of Madame Genlis. For a like
reason, too, much poetry should not be indulged. Some is useful
for forming style and taste. Pope, Dryden, Thompson, Shak-
speare, and of the French, Moliere, Racine, the Corneilles, may
be read with pleasure and improvement.
The French language, become that of the general intercourse
of nations, and from their extraordinary advances, now the de
pository of all science, is an indispensable part of education for
both sexes. In the subjoined catalogue, therefore, I have placed
the books of both languages indifferently, according as the one
or the other offers what is best.
The ornaments too, and the amusements of life, are entitled
to their portion of attention. These, for a female, are dancing,
drawing, and music. The first is a healthy exercise, elegant and
very attractive for young people. Every affectionate parent
would be pleased to see his daughter qualified to participate with
her companions, and without awkwardness at least, in the circles
of festivity, of which she occasionally becomes a part. It is a
necessary accomplishment, therefore, although of short use, for
the French rule is wise, that no lady dances after marriage. This
is founded in solid physical reasons, gestation and nursing leav
ing little time to a married lady when this exercise can be either
safe or innocent. Drawing is thought less of in this country
than in Europe. It is an innocent and engaging amusement,
often useful, and a qualification not to be neglected in one who
is to become a mofher and an instructor. Music is invaluable
where a person has an ear. Where they have not, it should not
be attempted. It furnishes a delightful recreation for the hours
of respite from the cares of the day, and lasts us through life.
io6 THE WRITINGS OF [1818
The taste of this country, too, calls for this accomplishment more
strongly than for either of the others.
I need say nothing of household economy, in which the
mothers of our country are generally skilled, and generally care
ful to instruct their daughters. We all know its value, and that
diligence and dexterity in all its processes are inestimable treas
ures. The order and economy of a house are as honorable to the
mistress as those of the farm to the master, and if either be neg
lected, ruin follows, and children destitute of the means of living.
This, Sir, is offered as a summary sketch on a subject on which
I have not thought much. It probably contains nothing but
what has already occurred to yourself, and claims your accept
ance on no other ground than as a testimony of my respect for
your wishes, and of my great esteem and respect.
TO ALBERT GALLATIN. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Apr. Q. IS.
DEAR SIR, — I avail myself as usual of the protection of your
cover for my letters that to Cathalan need only be put into the
post office ; but for that for Appleton I must ask the favor of you
to adopt the safest course which circumstances offer. You will
have seen by the newspapers that there is a decided ascendancy
of the republican party in nearly all the states. Connecticut de
cidedly so. It is thought the elections of this month in Massa
chusetts will at length arrange that recreant state on the republi
can side. Maryland is doubtful, and Delaware only decidedly
Anglican ; for the term federalist is nearly laid aside, and the
distinction begins to be in name, what it always was in fact, that
is to say Anglican and American. There are some turbid appear
ances in Congress. A quondam colleague of yours, who had ac
quired some distinction and favor in the public eye is throwing
it away by endeavouring to obtain his end by rallying an opposi
tion to the administration. This error has already ruined some
among us, and will ruin others who do not perceive that it is the
steady abuse of power in other governments which renders that
i8i8] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 107
of opposition always the popular party. I imagine you receive
the newspapers and these will give you everything which I know ;
so I will only add the assurances of my constant affection &
respect.
TO JOHN ADAMS. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, May 17, 1818.
DEAR SIR, — I was so unfortunate as not to receive
from Mr. Holly's own hand your favor of January the
28th, being then at my other home. He dined only
with my family, and left them with an impression
which has filled me with regret that I did not partake
of the pleasure his visit gave them. I am glad he is
gone to Kentucky. Rational Christianity will thrive
more rapidly there than here. They are freer from
prejudices than we are, and bolder in grasping at truth.
The time is not distant, though neither you nor I shall
see it, when we shall be but a secondary people to
them. Our greediness for wealth, and fantastical ex
pense, have degraded, and will degrade, the minds of
our maritime citizens. These are the peculiar vices
of commerce.
I had been long without hearing from you, but I
had heard of you through a letter from Doctor Water-
house. He wrote to reclaim against an expression of
Mr. Wirt's, as to the commencement of motion in the
revolutionary ball. The lawyers say that words are
always to be expounded secundum subject am materiem,
which, in Mr. Wirt's case, was Virginia. It would,
moreover, be as difficult to say at what moment the
io8 THE WRITINGS OF [1818
Revolution began, and what incident set it in motion,
as to fix the moment that the embryo becomes an
animal, or the act which gives him a beginning. But
the most agreeable part of his letter was that which
informed me of your health, your activity, and strength
of memory ; and the most wonderful, that which as
sured me that you retained your industry and prompt
ness in epistolary correspondence. Here you have
entire advantage over me. My repugnance to the
writing table becomes daily and hourly more deadly
and insurmountable. In place of this has come on a
canine appetite for reading. And I indulge it, be
cause I see in it a relief against the tcedium senectutis ;
a lamp to lighten my path through the dreary wilder
ness of time before me, whose bourne I see not.
Losing daily all interest in the things around us,
something else is necessary to fill the void. With me
it is reading, which occupies the mind without the
labor of producing ideas from my own stock.
I enter into all your doubts as to the event of the
revolution of South America. They will succeed
against Spain. But the dangerous enemy is within
their own breasts. Ignorance and superstition will
chain their minds and bodies under religious and
military despotism. I do believe it would be better
for them to obtain freedom by degrees only ; because
that would by degrees bring on light and information,
and qualify them to take charge of themselves under-
standingly ; with more certainty, if in the meantime,
under so much control as may keep them at peace
with one another. Surely, it is our duty to wish them
independence and self-government, because they wish
i8i8] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 109
it themselves, and they have the right, and we none,
to choose for themselves, and I wish, moreover, that
our ideas may be erroneous, and theirs prove well
founded. But these are speculations, my friend, which
we may as well deliver over to those who are to see
their development. We shall only be lookers on,
from the clouds above, as now we look down on the
labors, the hurry and bustle of the ants and bees.
Perhaps in that super-mundane region, we may be
amused with seeing the fallacy of our own guesses,
and even the nothingness of those labors which have
filled and agitated our own time here.
En attendant, with sincere affections to Mrs. Adams
and yourself, I salute you both cordially.
TO ARCHIBALD STUART.
MQNTICELLO, May 28. 18.
DEAR SIR, — Our fathers taught us an excellent maxim ' never
to put off to tomorrow what you can do today.' By some of their
degenerate sons this has been reversed by never doing today what
we can put off to tomorrow. For example I have been more than
a year intending to send you a Merino ram, next week, and week
after week it has been put off still to next week, which, like to
morrow was never present. I now however send you one of full
blood, born of my imported ewe of the race called Aquerres, by
the imported ram of the Paular race which belonged to the Prince
of peace, was sold by order of the Junto of Estremadura, was
purchased and sent to me 1810, by Mr Jarvis our Consul at
Lisbon. The Paular's are deemed the finest race in Spain for size
& wool taken together, the aquerres superior to all in wool, but
small. — Supposing the season with you has not yet given you
peas, the opportunity has inticed me to send you a mess. I have
1 From the original in the possession of the Virginia Historical Society.
no THE WRITINGS OF [1818
not yet communicated your hospitable message to Mr. Madison
but shall soon have an opportunity of doing it. To my engage
ment I must annex a condition that in case of an adjournment
to Charlottesville you make Monticello your headquarters. But
in my opinion we should not adjourn at all, and to any other
place rather than either of those in competition. I think the
opinion of the legislature strongly implied in their avoiding both
these places, and calling us to one between both. My own opinion
will be against any adjournment, as long as we can get bread &
water & a floor to lie on at the gap & particularly against one
Westwardly, because there we shall want water. But my informa
tion is that we shall be tolerably off at the Gap. That they have
40 lodging rooms and are now making ample preparations. A
waggon load of beds has passed thro' Charlottesville, which at
that season however we shall not need. I will certainly however
pay you a visit, probably on the day after our meeting (Sunday)
as we shall not yet have entered on business. Be so good as to
present my respects to Mrs Stuart and to be assured of my
constant friendship.
TO GENERAL JAMES WILKINSON. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 25. 18.
DEAR GENERAL, — A life so much employed in public as yours
has been, must subject you often to be appealed to for facts
by those whom they concern. An occasion occurs to myself
of asking this kind of aid from your memory & documents.
The posthumous volume of Wilson's Ornithology, altho' pub
lished some time since, never happened to be seen by me until a
few days ago. In the account of his life, prefixed to that volume
his biographer indulges himself in a bitter invective against me,
as having refused to employ Wilson on Pike's expedition to the
Arkansas, on which particularly he wished to have been em
ployed. On turning to my papers I have not a scrip of a pen on
the subject of that expedition which convinces me that it was not
one of those which emanated from myself : and if a decaying
memory does not deceive me I think that it was ordered by your-
1 8 1 8] THOMA S JEFFERSON, 1 1 1
self from St. Louis, while Governor and military commander
there ; that it was an expedition for reconnoitring the Indian and
Spanish positions which might be within striking distance ; that
so far from being an expedition admitting a leisurely and scien
tific examination of the natural history of the country, it's move
ments were to be on the alert, & too rapid to be accommodated
to the pursuits of scientific men ; that if previously communicated
to the Executive, it was not in time for them, from so great a
distance, to have joined scientific men to it ; nor is it probable it
could be known at all to Mr. Wilson and to have excited his
wishes and expectations to join it. If you will have the goodness
to consult your memory and papers on this subject, & to write me
the result you will greatly oblige me.
My retirement placed me at once in a state of such pleasing
freedom and tranquility, that I determined never more to take
any concern in public affairs, but to consider myself merely as a
passenger in the public vessel, placed under the pilotage of
others, in whom too my confidence was entire. I therefore dis
continued all correspondence on public subjects, and was satis
fied to hear only so much as true or false, as a newspaper or two
could give me. In these I sometimes saw matters of much con
cern, and particularly that of your retirement. A witness myself
of the merit of your services while I was in a situation to know
and to feel their benefit, I made no enquiry into the circumstances
which terminated them, whether moving from yourself or others.
With the assurance however that my estimate of their value re
mains unaltered, I pray you to accept that of my great and
continued esteem and respect.
TO WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD. j. MSS.
(SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY.)
MONTICELLO Nov. IO. l8.
DEAR SIR, — Totally withdrawn from all attention to public
affairs, & void of all anxiety about them as reposing entire con
fidence in those who administer them, I am led to some remarks
on a particular subject by having heretofore taken some concern
ii2 THE WRITINGS OF [1818
in it, and I should not do it even now but for information that you
had turned your attention to it at the last session of Congress,
and meant to do it again at the ensuing one.
When Mr. Dallas's Tariff first appeared in the public papers,
I observed that among his reforms, none was proposed on the
most exceptionable article in Mr. Hamilton's original Tariff, I
mean that of wines. I think it a great error to consider a heavy
tax on wines, as a tax on luxury. On the contrary it is a tax on
the health of our citizens. It is a legislative declaration that none
but the richest of them shall be permitted to drink wine, and in
effect a condemnation of all the middling & lower conditions of
society to the poison of whisky, which is destroying them by
wholesale, and ruining their families. Whereas were the duties
on the cheap wines proportioned to their first cost the whole
middling class of this country could have the gratification of that
milder stimulus, and a great proportion of them would go into
it's use and banish the baneful whisky. Surely it is not from the
necessities of our treasury that we thus undertake to debar the
mass of our citizens the use of not only an innocent gratification,
but a healthy substitute instead of a bewitching poison. This
aggression on the public taste and comfort has been ever deemed
among the most arbitrary & oppressive abuses of the English
government. It is one which I hope we shall never copy. But
the truth is that the treasury would gain in the long run by the
vast extension of the use of the article. I should therefore be
for encouraging the use of wine by placing it among the articles
of lightest duty. But be this as it may, take what rate of duty is
thought proper, but carry it evenly thro' the cheap as well as the
highest priced wines. If we take the duty on Madeira as the
standard, it will be of about 25 per cent on the first cost, and I
am sensible it lessens frauds to enumerate the wines known and
used here, and to lay a specific duty on them, according to their
known cost, but then the unknown and non enumerated should be
admitted at the same per cent on their first cost. There are
abundance of wines in Europe some weak, some strong, & of
good flavor which do not cost there more than 2 cents a quart, and
which are dutied here at 15. cents. I have myself imported wines
which cost but 4. cents the quart and paid 15 cents duty. But an
i8i8] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 113
extraordinary inconsistence is in the following provisions of the
Tariff. ' Claret & other wines not enumerated
imported in bottles, per gallon 70 cents
when imported otherwise than in bottles 25. cents
black bottles, glass, quart, per gross 144. cents
If a cask of wine then is imported, and the bottles brought empty
to put it into, the wine pays 6J cents the quart, & the bottles i.
cent, making 7^ cents a bottle. But if the same wine is put into
the same bottles there it pays 15 cents the quart, which is a tax of
1\ cents (more than doubling the duty) for the act of putting it
into the bottle there, where it is so much more skilfully done and
contributes so much to the preservation of the wine on it's
passage, for many of the cheap wines will not bear transportation
in the cask which stand it well enough in the bottle. This is a
further proscription of the light wines, and giving the monopoly of
our tables to the strong & alcoholic, such as are all but equivalent
in their effects to whisky. It would certainly be much more for
the health & temperance of society to encourage the use of the
weak, rather than the strong wines. 2. cents a quart first cost, &
\ a cent duty would give us wine at 2^ cents the bottle with the
addition of freight & other small charges, which is but half the
price of grog.
These, dear Sir, are the thoughts which have long dwelt on my
mind, and have given me the more concern as I have the more
seen of the loathsome and fatal effects of whisky, destroying the
fortunes, the bodies, the minds & morals of our citizens. I
suggest them only to you, who can turn them to account if just ;
without meaning to add the trouble of an answer to the over
whelming labors of your office. In all cases accept the assur
ance of my sincere esteem & high consideration.
TO JOHN ADAMS. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, November 13, 1818.
The public papers, my dear friend, announce the
fatal event of which your letter of October the 2Oth
VOL. X.— 8
i j4 THE WRITINGS OF [1818
had given me ominous foreboding. Tried myself in
the school of affliction, by the loss of every form of
connection which can rive the human heart, I know
well, and feel what you have lost, what you have
suffered, are suffering, and have yet to endure. The
same trials have taught me that for ills so immeasur
able, time and silence are the only medicine. I will
not, therefore, by useless condolences, open afresh
the sluices of your grief, nor, although mingling sin
cerely my tears with yours, will I say a word more
where words are vain, but that it is of some comfort
to us both, that the term is not very distant, at which
we are to deposit in the same cerement, our sorrows
and suffering bodies, and to ascend in essence to an
ecstatic meeting with the friends we have loved and
lost, and whom we shall still love and never lose
again. God bless you and support you under your
heavy affliction.
TO ALBERT GALLATIN. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, November 24, 18.
DEAR SIR, — Your letter of July 22 was most acceptable to me,
by the distinctness of the view it presented of the state of France.
I rejoice in the prospect that that country will so soon recover
from the effects of the depression under which it has been labor
ing ; and especially I rejoice in the hope of its enjoying a govern
ment as free as perhaps the state of things will yet bear. It
appears to me, indeed, that their constitution, as it now is, gives
them a legislative branch more equally representative, more inde
pendent, and certainly of more integrity, than the corresponding
one in England. Time and experience will give what is still
wanting, and I hope they will wait patiently for that without
hazarding new convulsions.
i8i8] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 115
Here all is well. The President's message, delivered a few
days ago, will have given you a correct view of the state of our
affairs. The capture of Pensacola, which furnished so much
speculation for European news-writers (who imagine that our
political code, like theirs, had no chapter of morality), was noth
ing here. In the first moment, indeed, there was a general out
cry of condemnation of what appeared to be a wrongful aggression.
But this was quieted at once by information that it had been
taken without orders and would be instantly restored ; and al
though done without orders, yet not without justifiable cause, as
we are assured will be satisfactorily shown. This manifestation
of the will of our citizens to countenance no injustice towards a
foreign nation filled me with comfort as to our future course.
Emigration to the West and South is going on beyond anything
imaginable. The President told me lately that the sales of public
lands within the last year would amount to ten millions of dollars.
There is one only passage in his message which -I disapprove, and
which I trust will not be approved by our legislature. It is that
which proposes to subject the Indians to our laws without their
consent A little patience and a little money are so rapidly pro
ducing their voluntary removal across the Mississippi, that I hope
this immorality will not be permitted to stain our history. He
has certainly been surprised into this proposition, so little in con
cord with our principles of government.
My strength has been sensibly declining the last few years, and
my health greatly broken by an illness of three months, from
which I am but now recovering. I have been able to get on
horseback within these three or four days, and trust that my con
valescence will now be steady. I am to write you a letter on the
subject of my friend Cathalan, a very intimate friend of three and
thirty years' standing, and a servant of the United States of near
forty years. I am aware that his office is coveted by another,
and suppose it possible that intrigue may have been employed to
get him removed. But I know him too well not to pronounce him
incapable of such misconduct as ought to overweigh the long
course of his services to the United States. I confess I should
feel with great sensibility a disgrace inflicted on him at this period
of life. But on this subject I must write to you more fully when
n6 THE WRITINGS OF [1818
I shall have more strength, for as yet I sit at the writing table
with great pain.
I am obliged to usurp the protection of your cover for my let
ters — a trouble, however, which will be rare hereafter. My pack
age is rendered more bulky on this occasion by a book I transmit
for M. Tracy. It is a translation of his Economic politique, which
we have made and published here in the hope of advancing our
countrymen somewhat in that science ; the most profound igno
rance of which threatened irreparable disaster during the late
war, and by the parasite institutions of banks is now consuming
the public industry. The flood with which they are deluging us
of nominal money has placed us completely without any certain
measure of value, and, by interpolating a false measure, is deceiv
ing and ruining multitudes of our citizens.
I hope your health, as well as Mrs. Gallatin's, continues good,
and that whether you serve us there or here, you will long con
tinue to us your services. Their value and their need are fully
understood and appreciated. I salute you with constant and
affectionate friendship and respect.
TO ROBERT WALSH. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, December 4, 1818.
DEAR SIR, — Yours of November the 8th has been
some time received ; but it is in my power to give
little satisfaction as to its inquiries. Dr. Franklin
had many political enemies, as every character must,
which, with decision enough to have opinions, has
energy and talent to give them effect on the feelings
of the adversary opinion. These enmities were chiefly
in Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. In the former,
they were merely of the proprietary party. In the
latter, they did not commence till the Revolution, and
then sprung chiefly from personal animosities, which
1 8 1 8] THOMA S JEFFERSON. i T 7
spreading by little and little, became at length of some
extent. Dr. Lee was his principal calumniator, a man
of much malignity, who, besides enlisting his whole
family in the same hostility, was enabled, as the agent
of Massachusetts with the British government, to in
fuse it into that State with considerable effect. Mr.
Izard, the Doctor's enemy also, but from a pecuniary
transaction, never countenanced these charges against
him. Mr. Jay, Silas Deane, Mr. Laurens, his col
leagues also, ever maintained towards him unlimited
confidence and respect. That he would have waived
the formal recognition of our independence, I never
heard on any authority worthy notice. As to the
fisheries, England was urgent to retain them exclu
sively, France neutral, and I believe, that had they
been ultimately made a sine quA non, our commis
sioners (Mr. Adams excepted) would have relin
quished them, rather than have broken off the treaty.
To Mr. Adams' perseverance alone, on that point, I
have always understood we were indebted for their
reservation. As to the charge of subservience to
France, besides the evidence of his friendly colleagues
before named, two years of my own service with him
at Paris, daily visits, and the most friendly and confi
dential conversation, convince me it had not a shadow
of foundation. He possessed the confidence of that
government in the highest degree, insomuch, that it
may truly be said, that they were more under his in
fluence, than he under theirs. The fact is, that his
temper was so amiable and conciliatory, his conduct
so rational, never urging impossibilities, or even
n8 THE WRITINGS OF [1818
things unreasonably inconvenient to them, in short,
so moderate and attentive to their difficulties, as well
as our own, that what his enemies called subservi
ency, I saw was only that reasonable disposition,
which, sensible that advantages are not all to be on
one side, yielding what is just and liberal, is the more
certain of obtaining liberality and justice. Mutual
confidence produces, of course, mutual influence, and
this was all which subsisted between Dr. Franklin and
the government of France.
I state a few anecdotes of Dr. Franklin,1 within my
" Our revolutionary process as is well known, commenced by petitions,
memorials, remonstrances &c. from the old Congress. These were followed by
a non-importation agreement, as a pacific instrument of coercion. While that
was before us, and sundry exceptions, as of arms, ammunition &c. were moved
from different quarters of the house, I was sitting by Dr. Franklin and observed
to him that I thought we should except books : that we ought not to exclude
science, even coming from an enemy. He thought so too, and I proposed the
exception, which was agreed to. Soon after it occurred that medicine should
be excepted, & I suggested that also to the Doctor. ' As to that,' said he ' I
will tell you a story. When I was in London, in such a year, there was a
weekly club of Physicians, of which St. John Pringle was President, and I was
invited by my friend Dr. Fothergill to attend when convenient. Their rule
was to propose a thesis one week, and discuss it the next. I happened there
when the question to be considered was whether Physicians had, on the whole,
done most good or harm ? The young members, particularly, having discussed
it very learnedly and eloquently till the subject was exhausted, one of them
observed to St. John Pringle, that, altho" it was not usual for the President to
take part in a debate, yet they were desirous to know his opinion on the ques
tion. He said, they must first tell him whether, under the appellation of Physi
cians, they meant to include old women ; if they did, he thought they had done
more good than harm, otherwise more harm than good.'
" The confederation of the States, while on the carpet before the old Con
gress, was strenuously opposed by the smaller states, under apprehensions that
they would be swallowed up by the larger ones. We were long engaged in the
discussion ; it produced great heats, much ill humor, and intemperate declara
tions from some members. Dr. Franklin at length brought the debate to a
close with one of his little apologues. He observed that ' at the time of the
Union of England & Scotland, the Duke of Argyle was most violently opposed
1819] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 119
own knowledge, too much in detail for the scale of
Delaplaine's work, but which may find a cadre in
some of the more particular views you contemplate.
My health is in a great measure restored, and our
family join with me in affectionate recollections and
assurances of respect.
TO NATHANIEL MACON. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, January 12, 1819.
DEAR SIR, — The problem you had wished to propose to me
was one which I could not have solved ; for I knew nothing of
to that measure, and among other things predicted that, as the whale had
swallowed Jonas, so Scotland would be swallowed by England. However,' said
the Doctor, ' when Ld. Bute came into the government, he soon brought into it's
administration so many of his countrymen that it was found in event that
Jonas swallowed the whale.' This little story produced a general laugh, re
stored good humor, & the Article of difficulty was passed.
" When Dr. Franklin went to France on his revolutionary mission, his emi
nence as a philosopher, his venerable appearance, and the cause on which he
was sent, rendered him extremely popular. For all ranks and conditions of
men there, entered warmly into the American interest. He was therefore
feasted and invited to all the court parties. At these he sometimes met the old
Duchess of Bourbon, who being a chess player of about his force, they very gen
erally played together. Happening once to put her king into prise, the Doctor
took it. ' Ah,' says she, ' we do not take kings so.' ' We do in America," said
the Doctor.
"At one of these parties, the emperor Joseph II, then at Paris, incog, under
the title of Count Falkenstein, was overlooking the game, in silence, while the
company was engaged in animated conversations on the American question.
' How happens it M. le Comte,' said the Duchess, ' that while we all feel
so much interest in the cause of the Americans, you say nothing for them ' ? 'I
am a king by trade,' said he.
" When the Declaration of Independence was under the consideration of
Congress, there were two or three unlucky expressions in it which gave offence
to some members. The words ' Scotch and other foreign auxiliaries ' excited
the ire of a gentleman or two' of that country. Severe strictures on the con
duct of the British king, in negativing our repeated repeals of the law which per
mitted the importation of slaves, were disapproved by some Southern gentlemen
whose reflections were not yet matured to the full abhorrence of that traffic.
120 THE WRITINGS OF [1819
the facts. I read no newspaper now but Ritchie's, and in that
chiefly the advertisements, for they contain the only truths to be
relied on in a newspaper. I feel a much greater interest in know
ing what has passed two or three thousand years ago, than in
what is now passing. I read nothing, therefore, but of the heroes
of Troy, of the wars of Lacedaemon and Athens, of Pompey and
Caesar, and of Augustus too, the Bonaparte and parricide scoun
drel of that day. I have had. and still have, such entire confi
dence in the late and present Presidents, that I willingly put both
soul and body into their pockets. While such men as yourself
and your worthy colleagues of the legislature, and such characters
Altho' the offensive expressions were immediately yielded, these gentlemen con
tinued their depredations on other parts of the instrument. I was sitting by
Dr. Franklin who perceived that I was not insensible to these mutilations. ' I
have made it a rule," said he, ' whenever in my power, to avoid becoming the
draughtsman of papers to be reviewed by a public body. I took my lesson
from an incident which I will relate to you. When I was a journeyman printer,
one of my companions, an apprentice Hatter, having served out his time, was
about to open shop for himself, his first concern was to have a handsome sign
board, with a proper inscription. He composed it in these words ' John
Thompson, Halter, makes and sells hats for ready money' with a figure of
a hat subjoined. But he thought he would submit it to his friends for their
amendments. The first he shewed it to thought the word ' Hatter ' tautolo-
gous, because followed by the words ' makes hats ' which shew he was a Hat
ter. It was struck out. The next observed that the word 'makes' might as
well be omitted, because his customers would not care who made the hats. If good
& to their mind, they would buy by whomsoever made. He struck it out. A
third said he thought the words "for ready money' were useless as it was not
the custom of the place to sell on credit. Every one who purchased expected
to pay. They were parted with, and the inscription now stood ' John Thomp
son sells hats.' ' sells hats ' says his next friend ? ' Why nobody will expect you
to give them away. What then is the use of that word ? ' It was stricken out,
and ' hats ' followed it, — the rather as there was one painted on the board. So
his inscription was reduced ultimately to ' John Thompson ' with the figure of a
hat subjoined.
" The Doctor told me, at Paris, the two following anecdotes of Abbe Ray-
nal. He had a party to dine with him one day at Passy of whom one half were
Americans, the other half French & among the last was the Abbe. During the
dinner he got on his favorite theory of the degeneracy of animals and even
of man, in America, and urged it with his usual eloquence. The Doctor
at length noticing the accidental stature and positions of his guests, at table,
1 Come ' says he, ' M. L'Abbe, let us try this question by the fact before us.
1 819] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 1 2 1
as compose the executive administration, are watching for us all,
I slumber without fear, and review in my dreams the visions of
antiquity. There is, indeed, one evil which awakens me at times,
because it jostles me at every turn. It is that we have now no
measure of value. I am asked eighteen dollars for a yard of broad
cloth, which, when we had dollars, I used to get for eighteen shil
lings ; from this I can only understand that a dollar is now worth
but two inches of broadcloth, but broadcloth is no standard of
measure or value. I do not know, therefore, whereabouts I stand
in the scale of property, nor what to ask, or what to give for it. I
saw, indeed, the like machinery in action in the years '80 and '81,
and without dissatisfaction ; because in wearing out, It was work-
We are here one half Americans, & one half French, and it happens that the
Americans have placed themselves on one side of the table, and our French
friends are on the other. Let both parties rise and we will see on which side na
ture has degenerated.' It happened that his American guests were Carmichael,
Harmer, Humphreys and others of the finest stature and form, while those of
the other side were remarkably diminutive, and the Abbe himself particularly
was a mere shrimp. He parried the appeal however, by a complimentary
admission of exceptions, among which the Doctor himself was a conspicu
ous one.
" The Doctor & Silas Deane were in conversation one day at Passy on the
numerous errors in the Abbe's Histoire des deux Indes, when he happened to
step in. After the usual salutations, Silas Deane said to him ' The Doctor
and myself Abbe, were just speaking of the errors of fact into which you have
been led in your history.' ' Oh no, Sir,' said the Abbe, ' that is impossible. I
took the greatest care not to insert a single fact, for which I had not the most
unquestionable authority.' 'Why,' says Deane, 'there is the story of Polly
Baker, and the eloquent apology you have put into her mouth, when brought
before a court of Massachusetts to suffer punishment under a law, which you
cite, for having had a bastard. I know there never was such a law in Massa
chusetts.' ' Be assured,' said the Abbe, ' you are mistaken, and that that is a
true story. I do not immediately recollect indeed the particular information on
which I quote it, but I am certain that I had for it unquestionable author
ity.' Doctor Franklin who had been for some time shaking with restrained
laughter at the Abbe's confidence in his authority for that tale, said, ' I will
tell you. Abbe, the origin of that story. When I was a printer and editor of a
newspaper, we were sometimes slack of news, and to amuse our customers, I
used to fill up our vacant columns with anecdotes, and fables, and fancies of
my own, and this of Polly Baker is a story of my making, on one of those occa
sions.' The Abbe without the least disconcert, exclaimed with a laugh, ' Oh,
very well, Doctor, I had rather relate your stories than other men's truths.' "
122 THE WRITINGS OF [1819
ing out our salvation. But I see nothing in this renewal of the
game of " Robin's alive " but a general demoralization of the na
tion, a niching from industry its honest earnings, wherewith to
build up palaces, and raise gambling stock for swindlers and
shavers, who are to close too their career of piracies by fraudulent
bankruptcies. My dependence for a remedy, however, is with
the wisdom which grows with time and suffering. Whether the
succeeding generation is to be more virtuous than their prede
cessors, I cannot say ; but I am sure they will have more worldly
wisdom, and enough, I hope, to know that honesty is the first
chapter in the book of wisdom. I have made a great exertion to
write you thus much ; my antipathy to taking up a pen being so
intense that I have never given you a stronger proof, than in the
effort of writing a letter, how much I value you, and of the super
lative respect and friendship with which I salute you.
TO JAMES MONROE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Jan. 18. 19.
You oblige me infinitely, dear Sir, by sending me the Congres
sional documents in pamphlet form. For as they come out by
piece-meal in the newspapers I never read them. And indeed I
read no newspapers now but Ritchie's, and in that chiefly the ad
vertisements, as being the only truths we can rely on in a news
paper. But in a pamphlet, where we can go thro' the whole
subject when once taken up, and seen in all it's parts, we avoid
the risk of false judgment which a partial view endangers. On
the subject of these communications, I will venture a suggestion
which, should it have occurred to yourself or to Mr. Adams as is
probable, will only be a little labor lost. I propose then that you
select Mr. Adams's 4. principal letters on the Spanish subject, to
wit, that which establishes our right to the Rio- bravo which was
laid before the Congress of 1817 .18. His letters to Onis of July
23. & Nov. 30. and to Erving of Nov. 28 perhaps also that of
Dec. 2. Have them well translated into French, and send Eng
lish & French copies to all our ministers at foreign courts, and to
our consuls. The paper on our right to the Rio-bravo, and the
1819] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 123
letter to Erving of Nov. 28. are the most important and are
among the ablest compositions I have ever seen, both as to logic
and style. A selection of these few in pamphlet form will be read
by every body ; but, by nobody, if buried among Onis's long-
winded and tergiversating diatribes, and all the documents ; the
volume of which alone will deter an European reader from ever
opening it. Indeed it would be worth while to have the two most
important of these published in the Leyden gazette, from which
it would go into the other leading gazettes of Europe. It is of
great consequence to us, & merits every possible endeavor, to
maintain in Europe a correct opinion of our political morality.
These papers will place the event with the world in the important
cases of our Western boundary, of our military entrance into
Florida, & of the execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister. On
the two first subjects it is very natural for an European to go
wrong, and to give into the charge of ambition, which the English
papers (read every where) endeavor to fix on us. If the European
mind is once set right on these points, they will go with us in all
the subsequent proceedings, without further enquiry.
While on the subject of this correspondence, I will presume
also to suggest to Mr. Adams the question whether he should not
send back Onis's letters in which he has the impudence to qualify
you by the term ' his Excellency ' ? An American gentleman in
Europe can rank with the first nobility because we have no titles
which stick him at any particular place in their line. So the
President of the US. under that designation ranks with Emperors
and kings, but add Mr. Onis's courtesy of ' his Excellency ' and
he is then on a level with Mr. Onis himself, with the Governors
of provinces and even of every petty fort in Europe, or the colo
nies. I salute you with constant affection & respect.
TO BENJAMIN WATERHOUSE. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Jan. 31. 19.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the isth was received on the 27th,
and I am glad to find the name and character of Samuel Adams
coming forward and in so good hands as I suppose them to be.
i24 THE WRITINGS OF [1819
But I have to regret that I can add no facts to the stores pos
sessed. I was the youngest man but one in the old Congress, and
he the oldest but one, as I believe. His only senior, I suppose,
was Stephen Hopkins, of and by whom the honorable mention
made in your letter was richly merited. Altho' my high rever
ence for Samuel Adams was returned by habitual notices from
him which highly flattered me, yet the disparity of age prevented
intimate and confidential communications. I always considered
him as more than any other member the fountain of our important
measures. And altho' he was neither an eloquent nor easy
speaker, whatever he said was sound, and commanded the pro
found attention of the House. In the discussions on the floor
of Congress he reposed himself on our main pillar in debate
Mr. John Adams. These two gentlemen were verily a host in
our councils. Comparisons with their associates, Northern or
Southern, would answer no profitable purpose, but they would
suffer by comparison with none. I salute you with perfect esteem
& respect.
TO JAMES MADISON. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Mar. 3. 19.
DEAR SIR, — I promised your gardener some seeds
which I put under a separate cover and address to
you by mail. I also inclose you a letter from Mr.
Cabell which will shew you that the ' sour grapes ' of
Wm. & Mary are spreading ; but certainly not to the
'enlightened part of society' as the letter supposes.
I have sent him a transcript from our journals that
he may see how far we are under engagements to Dr.
Cooper. I observe Ritchie imputes to you and my
self opinions against Jackson's conduct in the Semi-
nole war. I certainly never doubted that the military
entrance into Florida, the temporary occupation of
their posts, and the execution of Arbuthnot & Am-
1819] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 125
brister were all justifiable. If I had ever doubted P.
Barber's speech would have brought me to rights.
I at first felt regret at the execution ; but I have
ceased to feel [torn] on mature reflection, and a
belief the example will save much blood. Affection
ately yours.
P. S. On my return I fell in with Mr. Watson
who signed our proceedings.
TO DOCTOR VINE UTLEY. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, March 21, 1819
SIR, — Your letter of February the i8th came to
hand on the ist instant ; and the request of the
history of my physical habits would have puzzled me
not a little, had it not been for the model with which
you accompanied it, of Doctor Rush's answer to a
similar inquiry. I live so much like other people,
that I might refer to ordinary life as the history of
my own. Like my friend the Doctor, I have lived
temperately, eating little animal food, and that not as
an aliment, so much as a condiment for the vege
tables, which constitute my principal diet. I double,
however, the Doctor's glass and a half of wine, and
even treble it with a friend ; but halve its effects by
drinking the weak wines only. The ardent wines I
cannot drink, nor do I use ardent spirits in any form.
Malt liquors and cider are my table drinks, and my
breakfast, like that also of my friend, is of tea and
coffee. I have been blest with organs of digestion
which accept and concoct, without ever murmuring,
126 THE WRITINGS OF [1819
whatever the palate chooses to consign to them, and
I have not yet lost a tooth by age. I was a hard
student until I entered on the business of life, the
duties of which leave no idle time to those disposed
to fulfil them; and now, retired, and at the age of
seventy-six, I am again a hard student. Indeed, my
fondness for reading and study revolts me from the
drudgery of letter writing. And a stiff wrist, the con
sequence of an early dislocation, makes writing both
slow and painful. I am not so regular in my sleep as
the Doctor says he was, devoting to it from five to
eight hours, according as my company or the book I
am reading interests me ; and I never go to bed with
out an hour, or half hour's previous reading of some
thing moral, whereon to ruminate in the intervals of
sleep. But whether I retire to bed early or late, I
rise with the sun. I use spectacles at night, but not
necessarily in the day, unless in reading small print.
My hearing is distinct in particular conversation, but
confused when several voices cross each other, which
unfits me for the society of the table. I have been
more fortunate than my friend in the article of health.
So free from catarrhs that I have not had one, (in
the breast, I mean) on an average of eight or ten
years through life. I ascribe this exemption partly
to the habit of bathing my feet in cold water every
morning, for sixty years past. A fever of more than
twenty-four hours I have not had above two or three
times in my life. A periodical headache has afflicted
me occasionally, once, perhaps, in six or eight years,
for two or three weeks at a time, which seems now
i8i9] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 127
to have left me ; and except on a late occasion of in
disposition, I enjoy good health ; too feeble, indeed,
to walk much, but riding without fatigue six or eight
miles a day, and sometimes thirty or forty. I may
end these egotisms, therefore, as I began, by saying
that my life has been so much like that of other
people, that I might say with Horace, to every one
'''nomine mutato, narratur fabula de te" I must not
end, however, without due thanks for the kind senti
ments of regard you are so good as to express to
wards myself ; and with my acknowledgments for
these, be pleased to accept the assurances of my
respect and esteem.
TO SAMUEL ADAMS WELLS. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, May 12, 1819.
SIR, — An absence of some time at an occasional and distant
residence must apologize for the delay in acknowledging the re
ceipt of your favor of April i2th. And candor obliges me to add
that it has been somewhat extended by an aversion to writing,
as well as to calls on my memory for facts so much obliterated
from it by time as to lessen my confidence in the traces which
seem to remain. One of the inquiries in your letter, however,
may be answered without an appeal to the memory. It is that
respecting the question whether committees of correspondence
originated in Virginia or Massachusetts ? On which you suppose
me to have claimed it for Virginia. But certainly I have never
made such a claim. The idea, I suppose, has been taken up
from what is said in Wirt's history of Mr. Henry, p. 87, and from
an inexact attention to its precise term. It is there said " this
house [of burgesses of Virginia] had the merit of originating that
powerful engine of resistance, corresponding committees between
the legislatures of the different colonies." That the fact as here
expressed is true, your letter bears witness when it says that
i28 THE WRITINGS OF [1819.
the resolutions of Virginia for this purpose were transmitted
to the speakers of the different Assemblies, and by that of Massa
chusetts was laid at the next session before that body, who ap
pointed a committee for the specified object : adding, " thus in
Massachusetts there "were two committees of correspondence, one
chosen by the people, the other appointed by the House of As
sembly ; in the former, Massachusetts preceded Virginia ; in the
latter, Virginia preceded Massachusetts." To the origination of
committees for the interior correspondence between the counties
and towns of a State, I know of no claim on the part of Virginia ;
but certainly none was ever made by myself. I perceive, how
ever, one error into which memory had led me. Our committee
for national correspondence was appointed in March, '73, and I
well remember that going to Williamsburg in the month of June
following, Peyton Randolph, our chairman, told me that mes
sengers, bearing despatches between the two States, had crossed
each other by the way ; that of Virginia carrying our propositions
for a committee of national correspondence, and that of Massa
chusetts bringing, as my memory suggested, a similar proposi
tion. But here I must have misremembered ; and the resolutions
brought us from Massachusetts were probably those you mention
of the town meeting of Boston, on the motion of Mr. Samuel
Adams, appointing a committee " to state the rights of the colo
nists, and of that province in particular, and the infringements
of them, to communicate them to the several towns, as the sense
of the town of Boston, and to request of each town a free com
munication of its sentiments on this subject " ? I suppose, there
fore, that these resolutions were not received, as you think, while
the House of Burgesses was in session in March, 1773 ; but a few
days after we rose, and were probably what was sent by the
messenger who crossed ours by the way. They may, however,
have been still different. I must therefore have been mistaken in
supposing and stating to Mr. Wirt, that the proposition of a com
mittee for national correspondence was nearly simultaneous in
Virginia and Massachusetts.
A similar misapprehension of another passage in Mr. Wirt's
book, for which I am also quoted, has produced a similar reclam
ation of the part of Massachusetts by some of her most distin-
1819] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 129
guished and estimable citizens. I had been applied to by Mr.
Wirt for such facts respecting Mr. Henry, as my intimacy with
him, and participation in the transactions of the day, might have
placed within my knowledge. I accordingly committed them
to paper, and Virginia being the theatre of his action, was the
only subject within my contemplation, while speaking of him.
Of the resolutions and measures here, in which he had the ac
knowledged lead, I used the expression that " Mr. Henry certainly
gave the first impulse to the ball of revolution." [Wirt, p. 41.]
The expression is indeed general, and in all its extension would
comprehend all the sister States. But indulgent construction
would restrain it, as was really meant, to the subject matter un
der contemplation, which was Virginia alone ; according to the
rule of the lawyers, and a fair canon of general criticism, that
every expression should be construed secundum subjectam mate-
riem. Where the first attack was made, there must have been
of course, the first act of resistance, and that was of Massachu
setts. Our first overt act of war was Mr. Henry's embodying a
force of militia from several counties, regularly armed and organ
ized, marching them in military array, and making reprisal on
the King's treasury at the seat of government for the public
powder taken away by his Governor. This was on the last days
of April, 1775. Your formal battle of Lexington was ten or
twelve days before that, which greatly overshadowed in import
ance, as it preceded in time our little affray, which merely amounted
to a levying of arms against the King, and very possibly you had
had military affrays before the regular battle of Lexington.
These explanations will, I hope, assure you, Sir, that so far as
either facts or opinions have been truly quoted from me they
have never been meant to intercept the just fame of Massachu
setts, for the promptitude and perseverance of her early resistance.
We willingly cede to her the laud of having been (although not
exclusively) " the cradle of sound principles," and if some of us
believe she has deflected from them in her course, we retain full
confidence in her ultimate return to them.
I will now proceed to your quotation from Mr. Galloway's
statements of what passed in Congress on their declaration of
independence, in which statement there is not one word of truth,
1 3o THE WRITINGS OF [1819
and where, bearing some resemblance to truth, it is an entire per
version of it. I do not charge this on Mr. Galloway himself ; his
desertion having taken place long before these measures, he
doubtless received his information from some of the loyal friends
whom he left behind him. But as yourself, as well as others, ap
pear embarrassed by inconsistent accounts of the proceedings on
that memorable occasion, and as those who have endeavored to
restore the truth have themselves committed some errors, I will
give you some extracts from a written document on that subject,
for the truth of which I pledge myself to heaven and earth ; hav
ing, while the question of independence was under consideration
before Congress, taken written notes, in my seat, of what was
passing, and reduced them to form on the final conclusion. I
have now before me that paper, from which the following are
extracts : * * * »
Governor McKean, in his letter to McCorkle of July i6th, 1817,
has thrown some lights on the transactions of that day, but trust
ing to his memory chiefly at an age when our memories are not
to be trusted, he has confounded two questions, and ascribed
proceedings to one which belonged to the other. These two
questions were, i. The Virginia motion of June yth to declare
independence, and 2. The actual declaration, its matter and form.
Thus he states the question on the declaration itself as decided
on the ist of July. But it was the Virginia motion which was
voted on that day in committee of the whole ; South Carolina, as
well as Pennsylvania, then voting against it. But the ultimate
decision in the House on the report of the committee being by
request postponed to the next morning, all the States voted for it,
except New York, whose vote was delayed for the reason before
stated. It was not till the 2d of July that the declaration itself
was taken up, nor till the 4th that it was decided ; and it was
signed by every member present, except Mr. Dickinson.
The subsequent signatures of members who were not then
present, and some of them not yet in office, is easily explained, if
we observe who they were ; to wit, that they were of New York
and Pennsylvania. New York did not sign till the isth, because
1 See Vol. I., p. 18, for the document here omitted.
1819] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 131
it was not till the pth, (five days after the general signature,) that
their convention authorized them to do so. The convention of
Pennsylvania, learning that it had been signed by a minority only
of their delegates, named a new delegation on the zoth, leaving
out Mr. Dickinson, who had refused to sign, Willing and Hum
phreys who had withdrawn, reappointing the three members who
had signed, Morris who had not been present, and five new ones,
to wit, Rush, Clymer, Smith, Taylor and Ross ; and Morris and
the five new members were permitted to sign, because it mani
fested the assent of their full delegation, and the express will of
their convention, which might have been doubted on the former
signature of a minority only. Why the signature of Thornton of
New Hampshire was permitted so late as the 4th of November, I
cannot now say ; but undoubtedly for some particular reason which
we should find to have been good, had it been expressed. These
were the only post-signers, and you see, Sir, that there were solid
reasons for receiving those of New York and Pennsylvania, and
that this circumstance in no wise affects the faith of this declara
tory charter of our rights and of the rights of man.
With a view to correct errors of fact before they become in
veterate by repetition, I have stated what I find essentially ma
terial in my papers ; but with that brevity which the labor of
writing constrains me to use.
On the fourth particular articles of inquiry in your letter, re
specting your grandfather, the venerable Samuel Adams, neither
memory nor memorandums enable me to give any information.
I can say that he was truly a great man, wise in council, fertile
in resources, immovable in his purposes, and had, I think, a
greater share than any other member, in advising and directing
our measures, in the northern war especially. As a speaker he
could not be compared with his living colleague and namesake,
whose deep conceptions, nervous style, and undaunted firmness,
made him truly our bulwark in debate. But Mr. Samuel
Adams, although not of fluent elocution, was so rigorously logical,
so clear in his views, abundant in good sense, and master always of
his subject, that he commanded the most profound attention
whenever he rose in an assembly by which the froth of declamation
was heard with the most sovereign contempt. I sincerely rejoice
132 THE WRITINGS OF [1819
that the record of his worth is to be undertaken by one so much
disposed as you will be to hand him down fairly to that posterity
for whose liberty and happiness he was so zealous a laborer.
With sentiments of sincere veneration for his memory, accept
yourself this tribute to it with the assurances of my great respect.
P. S. August 6th, 1822, since the date of this letter, to wit,
this day, August 6th, '22, I received the new publication of the
secret Journals of Congress, wherein is stated a resolution, July
ipth, 1776, that the declaration passed on the 4th be fairly en
grossed on parchment, and when engrossed, be signed by every
member ; and another of August 2d, that being engrossed and
compared at the table, was signed by the members. That is to
say the copy engrossed on parchment (for durability) was signed
by the members after being compared at the table with the original
one, signed on paper as before stated. I add this P. S. to the copy
of my letter to Mr. Wells, to prevent confounding the signature of
the original with that of the copy engrossed on parchment.1
1 Jefferson further wrote to Wells :
MONTICELLO, June 23. 19.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 2d inst. has been duly received, & I answer
your request to make use of the information given in mine of May 12 by a free
permission, to employ it for any purpose you may think useful. You suppose
that the fact that six colonies were not yet matured for a separation from the
parent stock could not have been known unless a vote had been taken. Yet
nothing easier. For the opinion of every individual was known to every one
who had anxiety enough on the subject to scrutinize and calculate. There was
neither concealment nor reserve on the subject on either side ; and how the
vote of each colony would be, if then pushed to a vote was exactly ascertainable.
Nor does the appointment of a Committee to prepare an instrument of con
federation offer ground of doubt, for that was but a proposition to save time
provisionally, and subject to the ultimate negative of the minority. It was
moreover a necessary measure in the opinion of all whether permanent, or
limited to the duration of the controversy. I certainly will not, on the authority
of memory alone affirm facts in opposition to Mr. Galloway, Judge McKean, or
any one else. But what I wrote on the paper from which I sent extracts to
you, was written on the spot, in the moment, and is true ; and all that remains
is to reconcile to that the contradictions of others by enquiring whether they
may not have confounded different subjects, or whether after such a lapse of
time their memory has not been more liable to err than the litera scripta. Gal
loway can be no better authority than the common herd of passengers in the
streets. He knew nothing but the rumors of hearsay ; for he had quitted us
1819] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 133
TO RICHARD RUSH. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 22. 19.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of Mar. i. has been duly received, and
requires my thanks for the kind offer of your services in London.
Books are indeed with me a necessary of life ; and since I ceded
my library to Congress, I have been annually importing from
Paris. Not but that I need some from London also, but that they
have risen there to such enormous prices as cannot be looked at.
England must lose her foreign commerce in books, unless the
taxes on it's materials are reduced. Paris now prints the most
popular of the English books, and sells them far below the English
price. I send there therefore for such of them as I want. We too
reprint now such of the new English works as have merit, much
cheaper than is done in England, but dearer than they ought to
be. But we are now under the operation of the remedy for that.
The enormous abuses of the banking system are not only pros
trating our commerce, but producing revolution of property, which
without more wisdom than we possess, will be much greater than
were produced by the revolutionary paper. That too had the
merit of purchasing our liberties, while the present trash has only
furnished aliment to usurers and swindlers. The banks them-
long before. And Mr. McKean was very old, and his memory much decayed
when he gave his statement.
The painting lately executed by Colo. Trumbull, I have never seen, but as
far back as the days of Horace at least we are told that ' pictoribus atque
poetis ; Quidlibet audendi semper fuit aequa potestas.' He has exercised this
licentia pictoris in like manner in the surrender of York, where he has placed
Ld. Cornwallis at the head of the surrender altho' it is well known that he was
excused by General Washington from appearing.
Of the return of Massachusetts to sound principles I never had a doubt.
The body of her citizens has never been otherwise than republican. Her
would-be dukes and lords, indeed, have been itching for coronets ; her lawyers
for robes of ermin, her priests for lawn sleeves, and for a religious establish
ment which might give them wealth, power, and independence of personal
merit. But her citizens who were to supply with the sweat of their brow the
treasures on which these drones were to riot, could never have seen any thing
to long for in the oppressions and pauperism of England. After the shackles
of Aristocracy of the bar & priesthood have been burst by Connecticut, we
cannot doubt the return of Massachusetts to the bosom of the republican family.
I repeat with pleasure the assurance of my great respect & esteem.
134 THE WRITINGS OF [1819
selves were doing business on capitals, three fourths of which were
fictitious : and, to extend their profit they furnished fictitious
capital to every man, who having nothing and disliking the labours
of the plough, chose rather to call himself a merchant to set up a
house of 5000. D. a year expence, to dash into every species of
mercantile gambling, and if that ended as gambling generally does,
a fraudulent bankruptcy was an ultimate resource of retirement and
competence. This fictitious capital, probably of 100. millions of
Dollars, is now to be lost, & to fall on some body ; it must take
on those who have property to meet it, & probably on the less
cautious part, who, not aware of the impending catastrophe have
suffered themselves to contract, or to be in debt, and must now
sacrifice their property of a value many times the amount of their
debt. We have been truly sowing the wind, and are now reaping
the whirlwind. If the present crisis should end in the annihila
tion of these pennyless & ephemeral interlopers only, and reduce
our commerce to the measure of our own wants and surplus pro
ductions, it will be a benefit in the end. But how to effect this,
and give time to real capital, and the holders of real property, to
back out of their entanglements by degrees requires more knolege
of Political economy than we possess. I believe it might be done,
but I despair of it's being done. The eyes of our citizens are not
yet sufficiently open to the true cause of our distresses. They
ascribe them to every thing but their true cause, the banking
system ; a system, which, if it could do good in any form, is yet
so certain of leading to abuse, as to be utterly incompatible with
the public safety and prosperity. At present all is confusion,
uncertainty and panic.
I avail myself of your kindness to put under the protection of
your cover a letter to St. John Philippart, who requested it might
be sent through your channel, and I salute you with affectionate
esteem and respect.
TO WILLIAM WIRT. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO June 27. 19.
DEAR SIR, — My letters of Jan. 5 and Nov. 10. of the last year
had informed you generally that Genl. Kosciuzko had left a con-
1 819] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 135
siderable sum of money in the hands of the US. and had, by a
will deposited in my hands, disposed of it to a charitable purpose :
& I asked the favor of your opinion in what court the will should
be proved. According to that opinion, expressed in your favor
of Dec. 28 I proved the will in our district court, renouncing the
executorship. The purport of the will is that the whole funds in
this country shall be laid out in the purchase of young negroes,
in their education & their emancipation. I had formerly intended
to get an admr appointed here with the will annexed, and to have
the trust placed entirely under the direction of the court, but cir
cumstances since occurring change my view of the case. Genl.
Armstrong, on behalf of his son Kosciuzko Armstrong has a claim
to 3704. D. which is well founded. A Mr. Zoeltner of Solense
the friend in whose house Kosciuzko lived and died, claims the
share under a will deposited with him. This I am persuaded will
appear not to reach the property here. A relation of the Gen
eral's has lately, through the minister of Russia, Mr. Poletika,
claimed the whole also in right of his relationship. These claim
ants being all foreigners, or of another state, have a right to place
the litigation in a federal court ; and I have supposed the most
convenient one to them would be the district court of Columbia,
and my wish is to transfer it there, if that court will take cognis
ance and charge of it. I suppose they would name an Admr
with the will annexed, and that he would require the claimant to
interplead, that the court might decide the right. I wish there
fore in the first place to constitute you general Counsel for the
trust. You would draw your compensation of course from the
funds of the testator, and that you would advise me in what form
I must apply to the court to effect the transfer. I suppose by a
petition to them in Chancery, delivering to them the will, and the
original certificates, which are in my hands, and amount to
17,159.63 D. and praying to be entirely relieved and discharged
from all further concern or responsibility. Mr. Barnes, who has
been the agent in fact, will settle his account of transactions
during the life of the General. I have none to settle, having
never acted but thro' Mr. Barnes, and not meaning to charge lit
tle incidental disbursements incurred. Will you undertake this,
my dear Sir, and fnform me how I am to proceed ? I shall be at
136 THE WRITINGS OF [1819
Poplar Forest near Lynchburg before you receive this, and shal 1
be there 3. months. But your answer will reach me there, and I
mention it only to explain beforehand the greater delays in the
correspondence which the greater distance of that place may
occasion. In the hope therefore of hearing from you as soon as
convenient, and of your aid in getting relief from this charge,
now become too litigious for me, I salute you with constant
friendship and respect.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
MONTICELLO, July 9, 1819.
DEAR SIR, — I am in debt to you for your letters of
May the 2ist, 27th, and June the 22d. The first,
delivered me by Mr. Greenwood, gave me the grati
fication of his acquaintance ; and a gratification it
always is, to be made acquainted with gentlemen of
candor, worth, and information, as I found Mr.
Greenwood to be. That, on the subject of Mr.
Samuel Adams Wells, shall not be forgotten in time
and place, when it can be used to his advantage.
But what has attracted my peculiar notice, is the
paper from Mecklenburg county, of North Carolina,
published in the Essex Register, which you were so
kind as to enclose in your last, of June the 22d. And
you seem to think it genuine. I believe it spurious.
I deem it to be a very unjustifiable quiz, like that of
the volcano, so minutely related to us as having
broken out in North Carolina, some half a dozen
years ago, in that part of the country, and perhaps
in that very county of Mecklenburg, for I do not re
member its precise locality. If this paper be really
taken from the Raleigh Register, as quoted, I wonder
1819] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 137
it should have escaped Ritchie, who culls what is
good from every paper, as the bee from every flower ;
and the National Intelligencer, too, which is edited
by a North Carolinian ; and that the fire should blaze
out all at once in Essex, one thousand miles from
where the spark is said to have fallen. But if really
taken from the Raleigh Register, who is the narrator,
and is the name subscribed real, or is it as fictitious
as the paper itself? It appeals, too, to an original
book, which is burnt, to Mr. Alexander, who is dead,
to a joint letter from Caswell, Hughes, and Hooper,
all dead, to a copy sent to the dead Caswell, and
another sent to Doctor Williamson, now probably
dead, whose memory did not recollect, in the history
he has written of North Carolina, this gigantic step
of its county of Mecklenburg. Horry, too, is silent
in his history of Marion, whose scene of action was
the country bordering on Mecklenburg. Ramsay,
Marshall, Jones, Girardin, Wirt, historians of the ad
jacent States, all silent. When Mr. Henry's resolu
tions, far short of independence, flew like lightning
through every paper, and kindled both sides of the
Atlantic, this flaming declaration of the same date,
of the independence of Mecklenburg county, of North
Carolina, absolving it from the British allegiance, and
abjuring all political connection with that nation, al
though sent to Congress too, is never heard of. It
is not known even a twelvemonth after, when a simi
lar proposition is first made in that body. Armed
with this bold example, would not you have addressed
our timid brethren in peals of thunder on their tardy
138 THE WRITINGS OF [1819
fears ? Would not every advocate of independence
have rung the glories of Mecklenburg county in
North Carolina, in the ears of the doubting Dickin
son and others, who hung so heavily on us ? Yet
the example of independent Mecklenburg county, in
North Carolina, was never once quoted. The paper
speaks, too, of the continued exertions of their dele
gation (Caswell, Hooper, Hughes) " in the cause of
liberty and independence." Now you remember as
well as I do, that we had not a greater tory in Con
gress than Hooper; that Hughes was very wavering,
sometimes firm, sometimes feeble, according as the
day was clear or cloudy ; that Caswell, indeed, was a
good whig, and kept these gentlemen to the notch,
while he was present ; but that he left us soon, and
their line of conduct became then uncertain until
Penn came, who fixed Hughes and the vote of the
State. I must not be understood as suggesting any
doubtfulness in the State of North Carolina. No
State was more fixed or forward. Nor do I affirm,
positively, that this paper is a fabrication ; because
the proof of a negative can only be presumptive.
But I shall believe it such until positive and solemn
proof of its authenticity be produced. And if the
name of McKnitt be real, and not a part of the fabri
cation, it needs a vindication by the production of
such proof. For the present, I must be an unbeliever
in the apocryphal gospel.
I am glad to learn that Mr. Ticknor has safely re
turned to his friends ; but should have been much
more pleased had he accepted the Professorship in
1819] THOMA S JEFFERSON. \ 39
our University, which we should have offered him in
form. Mr. Bowditch, too, refuses us ; so fascinating
is the vinculum of the dulce natale solum. Our wish
is to procure natives, where they can be found, like
these gentlemen, of the first order of requirement in
their respective lines ; but preferring foreigners of
the first order to natives of the second, we shall cer
tainly have to go for several of our Professors, to
countries more advanced in science than we are.
I set out within three or four days for my other
home, the distance of which, and its cross mails, are
great impediments to epistolary communications. I
shall remain there about two months ; and there,
here, and everywhere, I am and shall always be,
affectionately and respectfully yours.
TO JOSEPH MARX. j. MSS.
POPLAR FOREST NEAR LYNCHBURG
Aug. 24, 19.
SIR, — I inclose you a renewal of the two notes of 10,000 D. each
for which I am by endorsement responsible to the US. bank, for
Colo. W. C. Nicholas. I do this on his information that it will
be received as sufficient for 60 days within which term I will exe
cute a bond jointly with him for the amount of these notes, with
a third person made acceptable to the bank. In seeking for
a 3d name my reluctance at placing any friend in the state of
uneasiness in which this responsibility would place him, is in
superable. I greatly prefer therefore what I am told will be
acceptable to the bank, to make a 3d name competent by a con
veyance of real property abundantly sufficient to cover the debt.
My grandson Thos J. Randolph is the person whom I should
chuse with the least scruple in this business and I will accord
ingly convey lands amply sufficient for this debt, to him in trust
140 THE WRITINGS OF [1819
for it's payment, & as a special security to the bank, applicable to
no other purpose ; while this makes him sufficient as a security, all
the rest of my property is responsible for the same debt, on the
ground of my being separately bound. That it is sufficient for
many times this amount is probably known, and I assure you on
my honor that not a dollar's worth of it is under incumbrance to
any mortal or for any purpose. You shall receive the bond and
a copy of the deed immediately after my return to Monticello,
which will be within 3. or 4. weeks. Accept the assurance of my
great respect and esteem.
TO JUDGE SPENCER ROANE. j. MSS.
POPLAR FOREST, September 6, 1819.
DEAR SIR, — I had read in the Enquirer, and with great appro
bation, the pieces signed Hampden, and have read them again
with redoubled approbation, in the copies you have been so kind
as to send me. I subscribe to every tittle of them. They con
tain the true principles of the revolution of 1800, for that was as
real a revolution in the principles of our government as that of
1776 was in its form ; not effected indeed by the sword, as that,
but by the rational and peaceable instrument of reform, the suf
frage of the people. The nation declared its will by dismissing
functionaries of one principle, and electing those of another, in
the two branches, executive and legislative, submitted to their
election. Over the judiciary department, the constitution had
deprived them of their control. That, therefore, has continued
the reprobated system, and although new matter has been occa
sionally incorporated into the old, yet the leaven of the old mass
seems to assimilate to itself the new, and after twenty years' con
firmation of the federal system by the voice of the nation, declared
through the medium of elections, we find the judiciary on every
occasion, still driving us into consolidation.
In denying the right they usurp of exclusively explaining the
constitution, I go further than you do, if I understand rightly
your quotation from the Federalist, of an opinion that " the
judiciary is the last resort in relation to the other departments of
the government, but not in relation to the rights of the parties to
1819] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 141
the compact under which the judiciary is derived." If this
opinion be sound, then indeed is our constitution a complete /<?/0
de se. For intending to establish three departments, co-ordinate
and independent, that they might check and balance one another,
it has given, according to this opinion, to one of them alone, the
right to prescribe rules for the government of the others, and to
that one too, which is unelected by, and independent of the
nation. For experience has already shown that the impeachment
it has provided is not even a scare-crow ; that such opinions as
the one you combat, sent cautiously out, as you observe also, by
detachment, not belonging to the case often, but sought for out
of it, as if to rally the public opinion beforehand to their views,
and to indicate the line they are to walk in, have been so quietly
passed over as never to have excited animadversion, even in a
speech of any one of the body entrusted with impeachment.
The constitution, on this hypothesis, is a mere thing of wax in
the hands of the judiciary, which they may twist and shape into
any form they please. It should be remembered, as an axiom of
eternal truth in politics, that whatever power in any government
is independent, is absolute also ; in theory only, at first, while the
spirit of the people is up, but in practice, as fast as that relaxes.
Independence can be trusted nowhere but with the people in
mass. They are inherently independent of all but moral law.
My construction of the constitution is very different from that
you quote. It is that each department is truly independent of
the others, and has an equal right to decide for itself what is the
meaning of the constitution in the cases submitted to its action ;
and especially, where it is to act ultimately and without appeal.
I will explain myself by examples, which, having occurred while
I was in office, are better known to me, and the principles which
governed them.
A legislature had passed the sedition law. The federal courts
had subjected certain individuals to its penalties of fine and im
prisonment. On coming into office, I released these individuals
by the power of pardon committed to executive discretion, which
could never be more properly exercised than where citizens were
suffering without the authority of law, or, which was equivalent,
under a law unauthorized by the constitution, and therefore null.
i42 THE WRITINGS OF [1819
In the case of Marbury and Madison, the federal judges declared
that commissions, signed and sealed by the President, were valid,
although not delivered. I deemed delivery essential to complete
a deed, which, as long as it remains in the hands of the party, is
as yet no deed, it is in posse only, but not in csse, and I with
held delivery of the commissions. They cannot issue a man
damus to the President or legislature, or to any of their officers.1
When the British treaty of arrived, without any provision
against the impressment of our seamen, I determined not to ratify
it. The Senate thought I should ask their advice. I thought
that would be a mockery of them, when I was predetermined
against following it, should they advise its ratification. The con
stitution had made their advice necessary to confirm a treaty, but
not to reject it. This has been blamed by some ; but I have never
doubted its soundness. In the cases of two persons, antcnati, under
exactly similar circumstances, the federal court had determined
that one of them (Duane) was not a citizen ; the House of Repre
sentatives nevertheless determined that the other (Smith, of South
Carolina) was a citizen, and admitted him to his seat in their
body. Duane was a republican, and Smith a federalist, and these
decisions were made during the federal ascendancy.
These are examples of my position, that each of the three de
partments has equally the right to decide for itself what is its duty
under the constitution, without any regard to what the others may
have decided for themselves under a similar question. But you
intimate a wish that my opinion should be known on this subject.
No, dear Sir, I withdraw from all contests of opinion, and resign
everything cheerfully to the generation now in place. They are
wiser than we were, and their successors will be wiser than they,
from the progressive advance of science. Tranquillity is the
summum bonum of age. I wish, therefore, to offend no man's
opinion, nor to draw disquieting animadversions on my own.
While duty required it, I met opposition with a firm and fearless
step. But loving mankind in my individual relations with them,
I pray to be permitted to depart in their peace ; and like the
superannuated soldier, " quadragenis stipendiis enteritis" to hang
1 The constitution controlling the common law in this particular, — T. J.
1819] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 143
my arms on the post. I have unwisely, I fear, embarked in an
enterprise of great public concern, but not to be accomplished
within my term, without their liberal and prompt support. A
severe illness the last year, and another from which I am just
emerged, admonish me that repetitions may be expected, against
which a declining frame cannot long bear up. I am anxious,
therefore, to get our University so far advanced as may encourage
the public to persevere to its final accomplishment. That secured,
I shall sing my nunc demittas. I hope your labors will be long
continued in the spirit in which they have always been exercised,
in maintenance of those principles on which I verily believe the
future happiness of our country essentially depends. I salute you
with affectionate and great respect.
TO WILLIAM SHORT. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, October 31, 1819.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 2ist is received. My late illness,
in which you are so kind as to feel an interest, was produced by a
spasmodic stricture of the ilium, which came upon me on the 7th
inst. The crisis was short, passed over favorably on the fourth
day, and I should soon have been well but that a dose of calomel
and jalap, in which were only eight or nine grains of the former,
brought on a salivation. Of this, however, nothing now remains
but a little soreness of the mouth. I have been able to get on
horseback for three or four days past.
As you say of yourself, I too am an Epicurian. I consider the
genuine (not the imputed) doctrines of Epicurus as containing
everything rational in moral philosophy which Greece and Rome
have left us. Epictetus indeed, has given us what was good of the
stoics ; all beyond, of their dogmas, being hypocrisy and grimace.
Their great crime was in their calumnies of Epicurus and mis
representations of his doctrines ; in which we lament to see the
candid character of Cicero engaging as an accomplice. Diffuse,
vapid, rhetorical, but enchanting. His prototype Plato, eloquent
as himself, dealing out mysticisms incomprehensible to the human
mind, has been deified by certain sects usurping the name of
144 THE WRITINGS OF [1819
Christians ; because, in his foggy conceptions, they found a basis
of impenetrable darkness whereon to rear fabrications as delirious,
of their own invention. These they fathered blasphemously on
him whom they claimed as their founder, but who would disclaim
them with the indignation which their caricatures of his religion
so justly excite. Of Socrates we have nothing genuine but in the
Memorabilia of Xenophon ; for Plato makes him one of his Col
locutors merely to cover his own whimsies under the mantle of his
name ; a liberty of which we are told Socrates himself complained.
Seneca is indeed a fine moralist, disfiguring his work at times with
some Stoicisms, and affecting too much of antithesis and point,
yet giving us on the whole a great deal of sound and practical
morality. But the greatest of all the reformers of the depraved
religion of his own country, was Jesus of Nazareth. Abstracting
what is really his from the rubbish in which it is buried, easily
distinguished by its lustre from the dross of his biographers, and
as separable from that as the diamond from the dunghill, we have
the outlines of a system of the most sublime morality which has
ever fallen from the lips of man ; outlines which it is lamentable
he did not live to fill up. Epictetus and Epicurus give laws for
governing ourselves, Jesus a supplement of the duties and charities
we owe to others. The establishment of the innocent and genuine
character of this benevolent moralist, and the rescuing it from the
imputation of imposture, which has resulted from artificial systems,1
invented by ultra- Christian sects, unauthorized by a single word
ever uttered by him, is a most desirable object, and one to which
Priestley has successfully devoted his labors and learning. It
would in time, it is to be hoped, effect a quiet euthanasia of the
heresies of bigotry and fanaticism which have so long triumphed
over human reason, and so generally and deeply afflicted man
kind ; but this work is to be begun by winnowing the grain from
the chaff of the historians of his life. I have sometimes thought
of translating Epictetus (for he has never been tolerable translated
into English) by adding the genuine doctrines of Epicurus from
1 e. g. The immaculate conception of Jesus, his deification, the creation of the
world by him, his miraculous powers, his resurrection and visible ascension, his
corporeal presence in the Eucharist, the Trinity ; original sin, atonement, re
generation, election, orders of Hierarchy, &c. — T. J.
1819] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 145
the Syntagma of Gassendi, and an abstract from the Evangelists
of whatever has the stamp of the eloquence and fine imagination
of Jesus. The last I attempted too hastily some twelve or fifteen
years ago. It was the work of two or three nights only, at Wash
ington, after getting through the evening task of reading the letters
and papers of the day. But with one foot in the grave, these are
now idle projects for me. My business is to beguile the weari-
someness of declining life, as I endeavor to do, by the delights of
classical reading and of mathematical truths, and by the consola
tions of a sound philosophy, equally indifferent to hope and fear.
I take the liberty of observing that you are not a true disciple
of our master Epicurus, in indulging the indolence to which you
say you are yielding. One of his canons, you know, was that
" the indulgence which prevents a greater pleasure, or produces a
greater pain, is to be avoided." Your love of repose will lead, in
its progress, to a suspension of healthy exercise, a relaxation of
mind, an indifference to everything around you, and finally to a
debility of body, and hebetude of mind, the farthest of all things
from the happiness which the well-regulated indulgences of Epi
curus ensure ; fortitude, you know, is one of his four cardinal
virtues. That teaches us to meet and surmount difficulties ; not
to fly from them, like cowards ; and to fly, too, in vain, for they
will meet and arrest us at every turn of our road. Weigh this
matter well ; brace yourself up ; take a seat with Correa, and
come and see the finest portion of your country, which, if you
have not forgotten, you still do not know, because it is no longer
the same as when you knew it. It will add much to the happi
ness of my recovery to be able to receive Correa and yourself,
and prove the estimation in which I hold you both. Come, too,
and see our incipient University, which has advanced with great
activity this year. By the end of the next, we shall have elegant
accommodations for seven professors, and the year following the
professors themselves. No secondary character will be received
among them. Either the ablest which America or Europe can
furnish, or none at all. They will give us the selected society
of a great city separated from the dissipations and levities of its
ephemeral insects.
I am glad the bust of Condorcet has been saved and so well
VOL. X. — 10
i46 THE WRITINGS OF [1819
placed. His genius should be before us ; while the lamentable,
but singular act of ingratitude which tarnished his latter days,
may be thrown behind us.
I will place under this a syllabus of the doctrines of Epicurus,1
somewhat in the lapidary style, which I wrote some twenty years
ago, a like one of the philosophy of Jesus, of nearly the same age?
is too long to be copied. Vale, et tibi persuade carissimum te essc
mihi.
TO JOHN ADAMS. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, November 7, 1819.
DEAR SIR, — Three long and dangerous illnesses
within the last twelve months, must apologize for my
long silence towards you.
1 Syllabus of the doctrines of Epicurus.
Physical. — The Universe eternal.
Its parts, great and small, interchangeable.
Matter and Void alone.
Motion inherent in matter which is weighty and declining.
Eternal circulation of the elements of bodies.
Gods, an order of beings next superior to man, enjoying in their sphere, their
own felicities ; but not meddling with the concerns of the scale of beings below
them.
Moral. — Happiness the aim of life.
Virtue the foundation of happiness.
Utility the test of virtue.
Pleasure active and In-do-lent.
In-do-lence is the absence of pain, the true felicity.
Active, consists in agreeable motion ; it is not happiness, but the means to
produce it.
Thus the absence of hunger is an article of felicity ; eating the means to ob
tain it.
The summum bonum is to be not pained In body, nor troubled in mind.
»'. e. In-do-lence of body, tranquillity of mind.
To procure tranquillity of mind we must avoid desire and fear, the two
principal diseases of the mind.
Man is a free agent.
Virtue consists in i . Prudence. 2. Temperance. 3. Fortitude. 4. Justice.
To which are opposed, I. Folly. 2. Desire. 3. Fear. 4. Deceit.
1819] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 147
The paper bubble is then burst. This is what you
and I, and every reasoning man, seduced by no ob
liquity of mind or interest, have long foreseen ; yet
its disastrous effects are not the less for having been
foreseen. We were laboring under a dropsical fulness
of circulating medium. Nearly all of it is now called
in by the banks, who have the regulation of the safety-
valves of our fortunes, and who condense and explode
them at their will. Lands in this State cannot now
be sold for a year's rent ; and unless our Legislature
have wisdom enough to effect a remedy by a gradual
diminution only of the medium, there will be a general
revolution of property in this State. Over our own
paper and that of other States coming among us, they
have competent powers ; over that of the bank of the
United States there is doubt, not here, but elsewhere.
That bank will probably conform voluntarily to such
regulations as the Legislature may prescribe for the
others. If they do not, we must shut their doors, and
join the other States which deny the right of Congress
to establish banks, and solicit them to agree to some
mode of settling this constitutional question. They
have themselves twice decided against their right,
and twice for it. Many of the States have been uni
form in denying it, and between such parties the Con
stitution has provided no umpire. I do not know
particularly the extent of this distress in the other
States ; but southwardly and westwardly I believe all
are involved in it. God bless you, and preserve you
many years.
148 THE WRITINGS OF [1819
TO JOHN NICHOLAS. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, November 10, 1819.
SIR, — Your letter, and the draught of a memorial proposed to
be presented to the Legislature, are duly received. With respect
to impressions from any differences of political opinion, whether
major or minor, alluded to in your letter, I have none. I left
them all behind me on quitting Washington, where alone the
state of things had, till then, required some attention to them.
Nor was that the lightest part of the load I was there disbur-
thened of; and could I permit myself to believe that with the
change of circumstances a corresponding change had taken place
in the minds of those who differed from me, and that I now stand
in the peace and good will of my fellow-citizens generally, it
would indeed be a sweetening ingredient in the last dregs of my
life. It is not then from that source that my testimony may be
scanty, but from a decaying memory, illy retaining things of re
cent transaction, and scarcely with any distinctness those of forty
years back, the period to which your memorial refers : general
impressions of them remain, but details are mostly obliterated.
Of the transfer of your corps from the general to the State
line, and the other facts in the memorial preceding my entrance
on the administration of the State government, June 2, 1779, I»
of course, have no knowledge ; but public documents, as well as
living witnesses, will probably supply this. In 1780, I remember
your appointment to a command in the militia sent under General
Stevens to the aid of the Carolinas, of which fact the commission
signed by myself is sufficient proof. But I have no particular
recollections which respect yourself personally in that service.
Of what took place during Arnold's invasion in the subsequent
winter I have more knowledge, because so much passed under my
own eye, and I have the benefit of some notes to aid my memory.
In the short interval of fifty-seven hours between our knowing
they had entered James river and their actual debarkation at
Westover, we could get together but a small body of militia, (my
notes say of three hundred men only,) chiefly from the city and
its immediate vicinities. You were placed in the command of
these, and ordered to proceed to the neighborhood of the enemy,
not with any view to face them directly with so small a force, but
1819] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 149
to hang on their skirts, and to check their march as much as
could be done, to give time for the more distant militia to assem
ble. The enemy were not to be delayed, however, and were in
Richmond in twenty-four hours from their being formed on shore
at Westover. The day before their arrival at Richmond, I had
sent my family to Tuckahoe, as the memorial states, at which
place I joined them about i o'clock of that night, having attended
late at Westham, to have the public stores and papers thrown
across the river. You came up to us at Tuckahoe the next morn
ing, and accompanied me, 1 think, to Britton's opposite Westham,
to see about the further safety of the arms and other property.
Whether you stayed there to look after them, or went with me to
the heights of Manchester, and returned thence to Britton's, I do
not recollect. The enemy evacuated Richmond at noon on the 5th
of January, having remained there but twenty-three hours. I re
turned to it in the morning of the 8th, they being still encamped
at Westover and Berkley, and yourself and corps at the Forest.
They re-embarked at i o'clock of the loth. The particulars of
your movements down the river, to oppose their re-landing at dif
ferent points, I do not specifically recollect, but, as stated in the
memorial, they are so much in agreement with my general impres
sions, that I have no doubt of their correctness, and I know that
your conduct from the first advance of the enemy to his depart
ure, was approved by myself and by others generally. The
rendezvous of the militia at the Tuckahoe bridge, and your hav
ing the command of them, I think I also remember, but nothing
of their subsequent movements. The legislature had adjourned
to meet at Charlottesville, where, at the expiration of my second
year, I declined a re-election in the belief that a military man
would be more likely to render services adequate to the exigencies
of the times. Of the subsequent facts, therefore, stated in the
memorial, I have no knowledge.
This, Sir, is the sum of the information I am able to give on
the subjects of your memorial, and if it may contribute to the
purposes of justice in your case, I shall be happy that in bearing
testimony to the truth, I shall have rendered you a just service
I return the memorial and commission, as requested, and pray you
to accept my respectful salutations.
150 THE WRITINGS OF [1819
TO WILLIAM C. RIVES. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, November 28, 1819.
DEAR SIR, — The distresses of our country, produced first by the
flood, then by the ebb of bank paper, are such as cannot fail to
engage the interposition of the legislature. Many propositions
will, of course, be offered, from all of which something may prob
ably be culled to make a good whole. I explained to you my
project, when I had the pleasure of possessing you here ; and I
now send its outline in writing, as I believe I promised you.
Although preferable things will I hope be offered, yet some twig
of this may perhaps be thought worthy of being engrafted on a
better stock. But I send it with no particular object or request,
but to use it as you please. Suppress it, suggest it, sound opin
ions, or anything else, at will, only keeping my name unmentioned,
for which purpose it is copied in another hand, being ever solicit
ous to avoid all offence which is heavily felt, when retired from
the bustle and contentions of the world. If we suffer the moral
of the present lesson to pass away without improvement by the
eternal suppression of bank/0/ter, then indeed is the condition of
our country desperate, until the slow advance of public instruc
tion shall give to our functionaries the wisdom of their station.
Vale, et tibi persuade carissimum te mihi esse.1
1 Plan for reducing the circulating medium .
The plethory of circulating medium which raised the prices of everything to
several times their ordinary and standard value, in which state of things many
and heavy debts were contracted ; and the sudden withdrawing too great a pro
portion of that medium, and reduction of prices far below that standard, con
stitutes the disease under which we are now laboring, and which must end in a
general revolution of property, if some remedy is not applied. That remedy is
clearly a gradual reduction of the medium to its standard level, that is to say,
to the level which a metallic medium will always find for itself, so as to be in
equilibro with that of the nations with which we have commerce.
To effect this,
Let the whole of the present paper medium be suspended in its circulation
after a certain and not distant day.
Ascertain by proper inquiry the greatest sum of it which has at any one time
been in actual circulation.
Take a certain term of years for its gradual reduction, suppose it to be five
years ; then let the solvent banks issue \ of that amount in new notes, to be at-
1819] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 151
TO JOHN ADAMS. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, December 10, 1819.
DEAR SIR, — I have to acknowledge the receipt of
your favor of November the 23d. The banks, bank-
tested by a public officer, as a security that neither more or less is issued, and
to be given out in exchange for the suspended notes, and the surplus in discount.
Let £th of these notes bear on their face that the bank will discharge them
with specie at the end of one year ; another 5th at the end of two years ; a third
5th at the end of three years ; and so of the 4th and 5th. They will be sure to
be brought in at their respective periods of redemption.
Make it a high offence to receive or pass within this State a note of any
other.
There is little doubt that our banks will agree readily to this operation ; if
they refuse, declare their charters forfeited by their former irregularities, and
give summary process against them for the suspended notes.
The Bank of the United States will probably concur also ; if not, shut their
doors and join the other States in respectful, but firm applications to Congress,
to concur in constituting a tribunal (a special convention, e. g.) for settling
amicably the question of their right to institute a bank, and that also of the
States to do the same.
A stay-law for the suspension of executions, and their discharge at five annual
instalments, should be accommodated to these measures.
Interdict forever, to both the State and national governments, the power of
establishing any paper bank ; for without this interdiction, we shall have the
same ebbs and flows of medium, and the same revolutions of property to go
through every twenty or thirty years.
In this way the value of property, keeping pace nearly with the sum of cir
culating medium, will descend gradually to its proper level, at the rate of about
£ every year, the sacrifices of what shall be sold for payment of the first instal
ments of debts will be moderate, and time will be given for economy and indus
try to come in aid of those subsequent. Certainly no nation ever before
abandoned to the avarice and jugglings of private individuals to regulate, ac
cording to their own interests, the quantum of circulating medium for the nation,
to inflate, by deluges of paper, the nominal prices of property, and then to buy
up that property at is. in the pound, having first withdrawn the floating medium
which might endanger a competition in purchase. Yet this is what has been
done, and will be done, unless stayed by the protecting hand of the legislature.
The evil has been produced by the error of their sanction of this ruinous ma
chinery of banks ; and justice, wisdom, duty, all require that they should inter
pose and arrest it before the schemes of plunder and spoliation desolate the
country. It is believed that Harpies are already hoarding their money to com
mence these scenes on the separation of the legislature ; and we know that lands
have been already sold under the hammer for less than a year's rent.
152 THE WRITINGS OF [1819
rupt law, manufactures, Spanish treaty, are nothing.
These are occurrences which, like waves in a storm,
will pass under the ship. But the Missouri question
is a breaker on which we lose the Missouri country by
revolt, and what more, God only knows. From the
battle of Bunker's Hill to the treaty of Paris, we never
had so ominous a question. It even damps the joy
with which I hear of your high health, and welcomes
to me the consequences of my want of it. I thank
God that I shall not live to witness its issue. Sed
hcec hactenus.
I have been amusing myself latterly with reading
the voluminous letters of Cicero. They certainly
breathe the purest effusions of an exalted patriot, while
the parricide Caesar is lost in odious contrast. When
the enthusiasm, however, kindled by Cicero's pen
and principles, subsides into cool reflection, I ask my
self, what was that government which the virtues of
Cicero were so zealous to restore, and the ambition
of Caesar to subvert ? And if Caesar had been as vir
tuous as he was daring and sagacious, what could he,
even in the plenitude of his usurped power, have
done to lead his fellow citizens into good government ?
I do not say to restore it, because they never had it,
from the rape of the Sabines to the ravages of the
Caesars. If their people indeed had been, like our
selves, enlightened, peaceable, and really free, the
answer would be obvious. " Restore independence
to all your foreign conquests, relieve Italy from the
government of the rabble of Rome, consult it as a
nation entitled to self-government, and do its will."
1819] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 153
But steeped in corruption, vice and venality, as the
whole nation was, (and nobody had done more than
Csesar to corrupt it,) what could even Cicero, Cato,
Brutus have done, had it been referred to them to
establish a good government for their country ? They
had no ideas of government themselves, but of their
degenerate Senate, nor the people of liberty, but of
the factious opposition of their Tribunes. They had
afterwards their Tituses, their Trajans and Antoni-
nuses, who had the will to make them happy, and the
power to mould their government into a good and
permanent form. But it would seem as if they could
not see their way clearly to do it. No government
can continue good, but under the control of the peo
ple ; and their people were so demoralized and de
praved, as to be incapable of exercising a wholesome
control. Their reformation then was to be taken up
ab incunabulis. Their minds were to be informed by
education what is right and what wrong ; to be en
couraged in habits of virtue, and deterred from those
of vice by the dread of punishments, proportioned
indeed, but irremissible ; in all cases, to follow truth
as the only safe guide, and to eschew error, which be
wilders us in one false consequence after another, in
endless succession. These are the inculcations neces
sary to render the people a sure basis for the struct
ure of order and good government. But this would
have been an operation of a generation or two, at
least, within which period would have succeeded many
Neros and Commoduses, who would have quashed
the whole process. I confess then, I can neither see
154 THE WRITINGS OF [1820
what Cicero, Cato, and Brutus, united and uncontrolled,
could have devised to lead their people into good
government, nor how this enigma can be solved, nor
how further shown why it has been the fate of that de
lightful country never to have known, to this day, and
through a course of five and twenty hundred years,
the history of which we possess, one single day of free
and rational government. Your intimacy with their
history, ancient, middle and modern, your familiarity
with the improvements in the science of government
at this time, will enable you, if any body, to go back
with our principles and opinions to the times of Cicero,
Cato, and Brutus, and tell us by what process these
great and virtuous men could have led so unenlight
ened and vitiated a people into freedom and good
government, et eris mihi magnus Apollo. Cura ut
valeas, et tibi persuadeas carissimum te mihi esse.
TO JOSEPH C. CABELL. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Jan. 22. 20.
DEAR SIR, — I send you the inclosed as an exhibit to our ene
mies as well as friends. Kentucky, our daughter, planted since
Virginia was a distinguished state, has an University, with 14.
professors & upwards of 200 students. While we, with a fund of
a million & a half of Dollars ready raised and appropriated, are
higgling without the heart to let it go to it's use. If our legisla
ture does not heartily push our University, we must send our
children for education to Kentucky or Cambridge. The latter
will return them to us fanatics & tories, the former will keep them
to add to their population. If however we are to go a begging any
where for our education, I would rather it should be to Ken
tucky than any other state, because she has more of the flavor of
1820] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 155
the old cask than any other. All the states but our own are sen
sible that knolege is power. The Missouri question is for power.
The efforts now generally making all the states to advance their
science is for power, while we are sinking into the barbarism of
our Indian aborigines, and expect like them to oppose by ignor
ance the overwhelming mass of light & science by which we shall
be surrounded. It is a comfort that I am not to live to see this.
Our exertions in building this last year have amounted to the
whole of the public annuity of this year, for which therefore we
have been obliged to draw to relieve the actual distresses of our
workmen ; the subscriptions come in slow & grudgingly. You
know that we are to pay Dr. Cooper 1500 D. in May, and his
family will depend on it for subsistence in his absence. We have
been obliged therefore to set apart, as our only sure dependence,
6. subscriptions on the punctuality of which we can depend, to
wit, yours, Mr. Madison's, Genl Cocke's, Mr. Diges's and John
Harrison's, & mine, which exactly make up the money. Affectly
yours.
TO ROBERT WALSH. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Feb. 6. 20.
DEAR SIR, — Continual ill health for 18. months past had nearly
ended the business of letter-writing with me. I cannot however
but make an effort to thank you for your vindicia Americana
against Gr. Britain. The malevolence and impertinence of her
critics & writers really called for the rod, and I rejoiced when I
heard it was in hands so able to wield it with strength and cor
rectness. Your work will furnish the ist volume of every future
American history ; the Ante-revolutionary part especially. The
latter part will silence the libellists of the day, who finding refuta
tion impossible, and that men in glass houses should not provoke
a war of stones, will be glad of a truce, to hush and be done with
it. I wish that, being placed on the vantage ground by these
researches and expositions of facts, our own citizens and our
antagonists would now bury the hatchet and join in a mutual
amnesty. No two nations on earth can be so helpful to each
other as friends, nor so hurtful as enemies. And, in spite of
156 THE WRITINGS OF [1820
their insolence I have ever wished for an honorable and cordial
amity with them as a nation. I think the looking glass you have
held up to them will now so compleatly humble their pride as to
dispose them also to wish and court it.
Here I must lay down my pen with affectionate salutations to
you, and on whichever side of the Styx I may be, with cordial
wishes for your health, prosperity and happiness.
TO HUGH NELSON.
MONTICELLO Feb. 7. 20.
DEAR SIR, — * * * 1 thank you for your information on the
progress & prospects of the Missouri question. It is the most
portentous one which ever yet threatened our Union. In the
gloomiest moment of the revolutionary war I never had any
apprehensions equal to what I feel from this source.
I observe you are loaded with petitions from the Manufactur
ing commercial & agricultural interests, each praying you to sac
rifice the others to them. This proves the egotism of the whole
and happily balances their cannibal appetites to eat one another.
The most perfect confidence in the wisdom of Congress leaves me
without a fear of the result. I do not know whether it is any
part of the petitions of the farmers that our citizens shall be re
strained to eat nothing but bread, because that can be made here.
But this is the common spirit of all their petitions. My ill-health
has obliged me to retire from all public concerns. I scarcely read
a newspaper. I cannot therefore tell you what is a doing in the
state, but this you will get fully from others. I will therefore add
only the assurances of my great & friendly esteem and respect. '
1 Jefferson further wrote to Nelson :
MONTICELLO, March 12, 1820
I thank you, dear Sir, for the information in your favor of the 4th instant,
of the settlement, for the present, of the Missouri question. I am so com
pletely withdrawn from all attention to public matters, that nothing less could
arouse me than the definition of a geographical line, which on an abstract prin
ciple is to become the line of separation of these States, and to render desperate
the hope that man can ever enjoy the two blessings of peace and self-govern
ment. The question sleeps for the present, but is not dead. This State is in
1820] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 157
TO JOHN HOLMES. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, April 22, l82O.
I thank you, dear Sir, for the copy you have been so kind as
to send me of the letter to your constituents on the Missouri
question. It is a perfect justification to them. I had for a long
time ceased to read newspapers, or pay any attention to public
affairs, confident they were in good hands, and content to be a
passenger in our bark to the shore from which I am not distant.
But this momentous question, like a fire bell in the night,
awakened and filled me with terror. I considered it at once as
the knell of the Union. It is hushed, indeed, for the moment.
But this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence. A geographical
line, coinciding with a marked principle, moral and political,
once conceived and held up to the angry passions of men, will
never be obliterated ; and every new irritation will mark it deeper
and deeper. I can say, with conscious truth, that there is not a
man on earth who would sacrifice more than I would to relieve
us from this heavy reproach, in any practicable way. The cession
of that kind of property, for so it is misnamed, is a bagatelle
which would not cost me a second thought, if, in that way, a gen
eral emancipation and expatriation could be effected ; and gradu
ally, and with due sacrifices, I think it might be. But as it is, we
have the wolf by the ears, and we can neither hold him, nor
safely let him go. Justice is in one scale, and self-preservation
a condition of unparalleled distress. The sudden reduction of the circulating
medium from a plethory to all but annihilation is producing an entire revolution
of fortune. In other places I have known lands sold by the sheriff for one
year's rent ; beyond the mountain we hear of good slaves selling for one hun
dred dollars, good horses for five dollars, and the sheriffs generally the pur
chasers. Our produce is now selling at market for one-third of its price, before
this commercial catastrophe, say flour at three and a quarter and three and a
half dollars the barrel. We should have less right to expect relief from our
legislators if they had been the establishers of the unwise system of banks. A
remedy to a certain degree was practicable, that of reducing the quantum of
circulation gradually to a level with that of the countries with which we have
commerce, and an eternal abjuration of paper. But they have adjourned with
out doing anything. I fear local insurrections against these horrible sacrifices
of property. In every condition of trouble or tranquillity be assured of my con
stant esteem and respect.
158 THE WRITINGS OF [1820
in the other. Of one thing I am certain, that as the passage of
slaves from one State to another, would not make a slave of a
single human being who would not be so without it, so their dif
fusion over a greater surface would make them individually hap
pier, and proportionally facilitate the accomplishment of their
emancipation, by dividing the burthen on a greater number of
coadjutors. An abstinence too, from this act of power, would
remove the jealousy excited by the undertaking of Congress to
regulate the condition of the different descriptions of men com
posing a State. This certainly is the exclusive right of every
State, which nothing in the constitution has taken from them and
given to the General Government. Could Congress, for example,
say, that the non-freemen of Connecticut shall be freemen, or
that they shall not emigrate into any other State ?
I regret that I am now to die in the belief, that the useless
sacrifice of themselves by the generation of 1776, to acquire self-
government and happiness to their country, is to be thrown away
by the unwise and unworthy passions of their sons, and that my
only consolation is to be, that I live not to weep over it. If they
would but dispassionately weigh the blessings they will throw
away, against an abstract principle more likely to be effected by
union than by scission, they would pause before they would per
petrate this act of suicide on themselves, and of treason against
the hopes of the world. To yourself, as the faithful advocate of
the Union, I tender the offering of my high esteem and respect.
TO JAMES MONROE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, May 14, 1820.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 3d is received, and
always with welcome. These texts of truth relieve
me from the floating falsehoods of the public papers.
I confess to you I am not sorry for the non-ratifica
tion of the Spanish treaty. Our assent to it has
proved our desire to be on friendly terms with Spain ;
their dissent, the imbecility and malignity of their
THOMAS JEFFERSON. 159
government towards us, have placed them in the
wrong in the eyes of the world, and that is well ; but
to us the province of Techas will be the richest State
of our Union, without any exception. Its southern
part will make more sugar than we can consume, and
the Red river, on its north, is the most luxuriant
country on earth. Florida, moreover, is ours. Every
nation in Europe considers it such a right. We need
not care for its occupation in time of peace, and, in
war, the first cannon makes it ours without offence to
anybody. The friendly advisements, too, of Russia
and France, as well as the change of government in
Spain, now ensured, require a further and respectful
forbearance. While their request will rebut the plea
of prescriptive possession, it will give us a right to
their approbation when taken in the maturity of cir
cumstances. I really think, too, that neither the state
of our finances, the condition of our country, nor the
public opinion, urges us to precipitation into war.
The treaty has had the valuable effect of strengthen
ing our title to the Techas, because the cession of the
Floridas in exchange for Techas imports an acknow
ledgement of our right to it. This province more
over, the Floridas and possibly Cuba, will join us on
the acknowledgment of their independence, a meas
ure to which their new government will probably ac
cede voluntarily. But why should I be saying all
this to you, whose mind all the circumstances of this
affair have had possession for years ? I shall rejoice
to see you here ; and were I to live to see you here
finally, it would be a day of jubilee. But our days
160 THE WRITINGS OF [1820
are all numbered, and mine are not many. God bless
you and preserve you muchos anos.
TO WILLIAM CHARLES JARVIS. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, September 28, 1820.
I thank you, Sir, for the copy of your Republican which you
have been so kind as to send me, and I should have acknow
ledged it sooner but that I am just returned home after a long
absence. I have not yet had time to read it seriously, but in
looking over it cursorily I see much in it to approve, and shall be
glad if it shall lead our youth to the practice of thinking on such
subjects and for themselves. That it will have this tendency
may be expected, and for that reason I feel an urgency to note
what I deem an error in it, the more requiring notice as your
opinion is strengthened by that of many others. You seem, in
pages 84 and 148, to consider the judges as the ultimate arbiters
of all constitutional questions ; a very dangerous doctrine indeed,
and one which would place us under the despotism of an oligar
chy. Our judges are as honest as other men, and not more so.
They have, with others, the same passions for party, for power,
and the privilege of their corps. Their maxim is " boni judicis
est ampliare jurisdictionem" and their power the more danger
ous as they are in office for life, and not responsible, as the other
functionaries are, to the elective control. The constitution has
erected no such single tribunal, knowing that to whatever hands
confided, with the corruptions of time and party, its members
would become despots. It has more wisely made all the depart
ments co-equal and co-sovereign within themselves. If the leg
islature fails to pass laws for a census, for paying the judges and
other officers of government, for establishing a militia, for nat
uralization as prescribed by the constitution, or if they fail to
meet in congress, the judges cannot issue their mandamus to
them ; if the President fails to supply the place of a judge,
to appoint other civil or military officers, to issue requisite com
missions, the judges cannot force him. They can issue their
mandamus or distringas to no executive or legislative officer to
1820] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 161
enforce the fulfilment of their official duties, any more than the
president or legislature may issue orders to the judges or their
officers. Betrayed by English example, and unaware, as it should
seem, of the control of our constitution in this particular, they have
at times overstepped their limit by undertaking to command
executive officers in the discharge of their executive duties ; but
the constitution, in keeping three departments distinct and inde
pendent, restrains the authority of the judges to judiciary organs,
as it does the executive and legislative to executive and legisla
tive organs. The judges certainly have more frequent occasion
to act on constitutional questions, because the laws of meum and
tuum and of criminal action, forming the great mass of the sys
tem of law, constitute their particular department. When the
legislative or executive functionaries act unconstitutionally, they
are responsible to the people in their elective capacity. The ex
emption of the judges from that is quite dangerous enough. I
know no safe depository of the ultimate powers of the society
but the people themselves ; and if we think them not enlightened
enough to exercise their control with a wholesome discretion,
the remedy is not to take it from them, but to inform their dis
cretion by education. This is the true corrective of abuses of
constitutional power. Pardon me, Sir, for this difference of
opinion. My personal interest in such questions is entirely ex
tinct, but not my wishes for the longest possible continuance of
our government on its pure principles ; if the three powers main
tain their mutual independence on each other it may last long,
but not so if either can assume the authorities of the other. I ask
your candid re-consideration of this subject, and am sufficiently
sure you will form a candid conclusion. Accept the assurance
of my great respect.
TO CHARLES PINCKNEY. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, September 30, 1820.
DEAR SIR, — An absence of some time from home has occasioned
me to be thus late in acknowledging the receipt of your favor
of the 6th, and I see in it with pleasure evidences of your con
tinued health and application to business. It is now, I believe,
VOL. X. — II
162 THE WRITINGS OF [1820
about twenty years since I had the pleasure of seeing you, and
we are apt, in such cases, to lose sight of time, and to conceive
that our friends remain stationary at the same point of health and
vigor as when we last saw them. So I perceive by your letter
you think with respect to myself, but twenty years added to
fifty-seven make quite a different man. To threescore and seven
teen add two years of prostrate health, and you have the old,
infirm, and nerveless body I now am, unable to write but with
pain, and unwilling to think without necessity. In this state I
leave the world and its affairs to the young and energetic, and
resign myself to their care, of whom I have endeavored to take
care when young. I read but one newspaper and that of my
own State, and more for its advertisements than its news. I
have not read a speech in Congress for some years. I have
heard, indeed, of the questions of the tariff and Missouri, and
formed primd facie opinions on them, but without investigation.
As to the tariff, I should say put down all banks, admit none but
a metallic circulation, that will take its proper level with the like
circulation in other countries, and then our manufacturers may
work in fair competition with those of other countries, and the
import duties which the government may lay for the purposes of
revenue will so far place them above equal competition. The
Missouri question is a mere party trick. The leaders of federal
ism, defeated in their schemes of obtaining power by rallying
partisans to the principle of monarchism, a principle of personal
not of local division, have changed their tack, and thrown out
another barrel to the whale. They are taking advantage of the
virtuous feelings of the people to effect a division of parties by a
geographical line ; they expect that this will ensure them, on
local principles, the majority they could never obtain on princi
ples of federalism ; but they are still putting their shoulder to the
wrong wheel ; they are wasting Jeremiads on the miseries of
slavery, as if we were advocates for it. Sincerity in their declama
tions should direct their efforts to the true point of difficulty, and
unite their counsels with ours in devising some reasonable and
practicable plan of getting rid of it. Some of these leaders, if
they could attain the power, their ambition would rather use it
to keep the Union together, but others have ever had in view its
1820] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 163
separation. If they push it to that, they will find the line of sepa
ration very different from their 36° of latitude, and as manufac
turing and navigating States, they will have quarrelled with
their bread and butter, and I fear not that after a little trial they
will think better of it, and return to the embraces of their nat
ural and best friends. But this scheme of party I leave to those
who are to live under its consequences. We who have gone be
fore have performed an honest duty, by putting in the power of
our successors a state of happiness which no nation ever before
had within their choice. If that choice is to throw it away, the
dead will have neither the power nor the right to control them.
I must hope, nevertheless, that the mass of our honest and well-
meaning brethren of the other States, will discover the use which
designing leaders are making of their best feelings, and will see
the precipice to which they are led, before they take the fatal
leap. God grant it, and to you health and happiness.
TO J. CORREA DE SERRA. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, October 24, 1820.
Your kind letter, dear Sir of October izth, was handed to me
by Dr. Cooper, and was the first correction of an erroneous belief
that you had long since left our shores. Such had been Colonel
Randolph's opinion, and his had governed mine. I received your
adieu with feelings of sincere regret at the loss we were to sustain,
and particularly of those friendly visits by which you had made
me so happy. I shall feel, too, the want of your counsel and ap
probation in what we are doing and have yet to do in our Univer
sity, the last of my mortal cares, and the last service I can render
my country. But turning from myself, throwing egotism behind
me, and looking to your happiness, it is a duty and consolation of
friendship to consider that that may be promoted by your return
to your own country. There I hope you will receive the honors
and rewards you merit, and which may make the rest of your life
easy and happy ; there too you will render precious services by
promoting the science of your country, and blessing its future
generations with the advantages that bestows. Nor even there
1 64 THE WRITINGS OF [1820
shall we lose all the benefits of your friendship ; for this motive,
as well as the love of your country, will be an incitement to pro
mote that intimate harmony between our two nations which is so
much the interest of both. Nothing is so important as that Amer
ica shall separate herself from the systems of Europe, and estab
lish one of her own. Our circumstances, our pursuits, our
interests, are distinct, the principles of our policy should be so
also. All entanglements with that quarter of the globe should be
avoided if we mean that peace and justice shall be the polar stars
of the American societies. I had written a letter to a friend while
you were here, in a part of which these sentiments were expressed,
and I had made an extract from it to put into your hands, as con
taining my creed on that subject. You had left us, however, in
the morning earlier than I had been aware ; still I enclose it to
you, because it would be a leading principle with me, had I longer
to live. During six and thirty years that I have been in situa
tions to attend to the conduct and characters of foreign nations, I
have found the government of Portugal the most just, inoffensive
and unambitious of any one with which we had concern, without
a single exception. I am sure that this is the character of ours
also. Two such nations can never wish to quarrel with each
other. Subordinate officers may be negligent, may have their
passions and partialities, and be criminally remiss in preventing
the enterprises of the lawless banditti who are to be found in
every seaport of every country. The late piratical depredations
which your commerce has suffered as well as ours, and that of
other nations, seem to have been committed by renegade rovers
of several nations, French, English, American, which they as well
as we have not been careful enough to suppress. I hope our
Congress now about to meet will strengthen the measures of sup
pression. Of their disposition to do it there can be no doubt ; for
all men of moral principle must be shocked at these atrocities. I
had repeated conversations on this subject with the President
while at his seat in this neighborhood. No man can abhor these
enormities more deeply. I trust it will not have been in the
power of abandoned rovers, nor yet of negligent functionaries, to
disturb the harmony of two nations so much disposed to mutual
friendship, and interested in it. To this, my dear friend, you can
1820] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 165
be mainly instrumental, and I know your patriotism and philan
thropy too well to doubt your best efforts to cement us. In these
I pray for your success, and that heaven may long preserve you in
health and prosperity to do all the good to mankind to which
your enlightened and benevolent mind disposes you. Of the
continuance of my affectionate friendship, with that of my life,
and of its fervent wishes for your happiness, accept my sincere
assurance.
TO JOSEPH C. CABELL. j. MSS.
POPLAR FOREST, November 28, 1820.
DEAR SIR, — I sent in due time the Report of the Visitors to the
Governor, with a request that he would endeavor to convene the
Literary Board in time to lay it before the legislature on the sec
ond day of their session. It was enclosed in a letter which will
explain itself to you. If delivered before the crowd of other busi
ness presses on them, they may act on it immediately, and before
there will have been time for unfriendly combinations and ma-
neuvres by the enemies of the institution. I enclose you now a
paper presenting some views which may be useful to you in con
versations, to rebut exaggerated estimates of what our institution
is to cost, and reproaches of deceptive estimates. One hundred
and sixty-two thousand three hundred and sixty- four dollars will
be about the cost of the whole establishment, when completed.
Not an office at Washington has cost less. The single building
of the court house at Henrico has cost nearly that ; and the mas
sive walls of the millions of bricks of William and Mary could not
now be built for a less sum.
Surely Governor Clinton's display of the gigantic efforts of
New York towards the education of her citizens, will stimulate
the pride as well as the patriotism of our legislature, to look to the
reputation and safety of their own country, to rescue it from the
degradation of becoming the Barbary of the Union, and of fall
ing into the ranks of our own negroes. To that condition it
is fast sinking. We shall be in the hands of the other States,
what our indigenous predecessors were when invaded by the sci
ence and arts of Europe. The mass of education in Virginia, be-
1 66 THE WRITINGS OF [1820
fore the Revolution, placed her with the foremost of her sister
colonies. What is her education now ? Where is it ? The little
we have we import, like beggars, from other States ; or import
their beggars to bestow on us their miserable crumbs. And what
is wanting to restore us to our station among our confederates ?
Not more money from the people. Enough has been raised by
them, and appropriated to this very object. It is that it should
be employed understandingly, and for their greatest good. That
good requires, that while they are instructed in general, compe
tently to the common business of life, others should employ their
genius with necessary information to the useful arts, to inven
tions for saving labor and increasing our comforts, to nourishing
our health, to civil government, military science, &c.
Would it not have a good effect for the friends of this Uni
versity to take the lead in proposing and effecting a practical
scheme of elementary schools ? To assume the character of the
friends, rather than the opponents of that object. The present
plan has appropriated to the primary schools forty-five thousand
dollars for three years, making one hundred and thirty-five thou
sand dollars. I should be glad to know if this sum has educated
one hundred and thirty-five poor children ? I doubt it much.
And if it has, they have cost us one thousand dollars a piece for
what might have been done with thirty dollars. Supposing the
literary revenue to be sixty thousand dollars, I think it demon
strable, that this sum, equally divided between the two objects
would amply suffice for both. One hundred counties, divided
into about twelve wards each, on an average, and a school in
each ward of perhaps ten children, would be one thousand and
two hundred schools, distributed proportionably over the surface
of the State. The inhabitants of each ward, meeting together
(as when they work on the roads), building good log houses for
their school and teacher, and contributing for his provisions,
rations of pork, beef, and corn, in the proportion each of his
other taxes, would thus lodge and feed him without feeling it ; and
those of them who are able, paying for the tuition of their own
children, would leave no call on the public fund but for the
tuition fee of, here and there, an accidental pauper, who would
still be fed and lodged with his parents. Suppose this fee ten
1820] THOMAS JEFFEKSON. 167
dollars, and three hundred dollars apportioned to a county on an
average, (more or less proportioned,) would there be thirty such
paupers for every county ? I think not. The truth is, that the
want of common education with us is not from our poverty, but
from want of an orderly system. More money is now paid for
the education of a part, than would be paid for that of the whole,
if systematically arranged. Six thousand common schools in
New York, fifty pupils in each, three hundred thousand in all ;
one hundred and sixty thousand dollars annually paid to the
masters ; forty established academies, with two thousand two
hundred and eighteen pupils ; and five colleges, with seven hun
dred and eighteen students ; to which last classes of institutions
seven hundred and twenty thousand dollars have been given ;
and the whole appropriations for education estimated at two and
a half millions of dollars ! What a pigmy to this is Virginia
become, with a population almost equal to that of New York !
And whence this difference ? From the difference their rulers
set on the value of knowledge, and the prosperity it produces.
But still, if a pigmy, let her do what a pigmy may do. If among
fifty children in each of the six thousand schools of New York,
there are only paupers enough to employ twenty-five dollars of
public money to each school, surely among the ten children of
each of our one thousand and two hundred schools, the same
sum of twenty-five dollars to each school will teach its paupers,
(five times as much as to the same number in New York,) and
will amount for the whole to thirty thousand dollars a year, the
one-half only of our literary revenue.
Do then, dear Sir, think of this, and engage our friends to take
in hand the whole subject. It will reconcile the friends of the
elementary schools, and none are more warmly so than myself,
lighten the difficulties of the University, and promote in every
order of men the degree of instruction proportioned to their con
dition, and to their views in life. It will combine with the mass
of our force, a wise direction of it, which will insure to our
country its future prosperity and safety. I had formerly thought
that visitors of the school might be chosen by the county, and
charged to provide teachers for every ward, and to superintend
them. I now think it would be better for every ward to choose
1 68 THE WRITINGS OF [1820
its own resident visitor, whose business it would be to keep a
teacher in the ward, to superintend the school, and to call meet
ings of the ward for all purposes relating to it ; their accounts to
be settled, and wards laid off by the courts. I think ward elec
tions better for many reasons, one of which is sufficient, that it
will keep elementary education out of the hands of fanaticising
preachers, who, in county elections, would be universally chosen,
and the predominant sect of the county would possess itself of
all its schools.
A wrist stiffened by an ancient accident, now more so by the
effect of age, renders writing a slow and irksome operation with
me. I cannot, therefore, present these views, by separate letters
to each of our colleagues in the legislature, but must pray you to
communicate them to Mr. Johnson and General Breckenridge,
and to request them to consider this as equally meant for them.
Mr. Gordon being the local representative of the University, and
among its most zealous friends, would be a more useful second to
General Breckenridge in the House of Delegates, by a free com
munication of what concerns the University, with which he has
had little opportunity of becoming acquainted. So, also, would
it be to Mr. Rives, who would be a friendly advocate.
Accept the assurances of my constant and affectionate esteem
and respect.
TO JAMES MADISON. j. MSS.
POPLAR FOREST, November 29, 1820.
DEAR SIR, — The enclosed letter from our ancient friend
Tenche Coxe, came unfortunately to Monticello after I had left
it, and has had a dilatory passage to this place, where I received
it yesterday, and obey its injunction of immediate transmission
to you. We should have recognized the style even without a
signature, and although so written as to be much of it indecipher
able. This is a sample of the effects we may expect from the
late mischievous law vacating every four years nearly all the
executive offices of the government. It saps the constitutional
and salutary functions of the President, and introduces a princi
ple of intrigue and corruption, which will soon leaven the mass,
1820] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 169
not only of Senators, but of citizens. It is more baneful than the
attempt which failed in the beginning of the government, to make
all officers irremovable but with the consent of the Senate. This
places, every four years, all appointments under their power, and
even obliges them to act on every one nomination. It will keep
in constant excitement all the hungry cormorants for office, ren
der them, as well as those in place, sycophants to their Senators,
engage these in eternal intrigue to turn out one and put in an
other, in cabals to swap work ; and make of them what all execu
tive directories become, mere sinks of corruption and faction.
This must have been one of the midnight signatures of the Presi
dent, when he had not time to consider, or even to read the law ;
and the more fatal as being irrepealable but with the consent of
the Senate, which will never be obtained.
F. Gilmer has communicated to me Mr. Correa's letter to him
of adieux to his friends here, among whom he names most affec
tionately Mrs. Madison and yourself. No foreigner, I believe,
has ever carried with him more friendly regrets. He was to sail
the next day (November 10) in the British packet for England,
and thence take his passage in January for Brazil. His present
views are of course liable to be affected by the events of Portugal,
and the possible effects of their example on Brazil. I expect to
return to Monticello about the middle of the ensuing month, and
salute you with constant affection and respect.
TO THOMAS RITCHIE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, December 25, 1820.
DEAR SIR, — On my return home after a long absence, I find
here your favor of November the 23d, with Colonel Taylor's
" Construction Construed," which you have been so kind as to
send me, in the name of the author as well as yourself. Permit
me, if you please, to use the same channel for conveying to him
the thanks I render you also for this mark of attention. I shall
read it, I know, with edification, as I did his Inquiry, to which I
acknowledge myself indebted for many valuable ideas, and for
the correction of some errors of early opinion, never seen in a
170 THE WRITINGS OF [1820
correct light until presented to me in that work. That the present
volume is equally orthodox, I know before reading it, because I
know that Colonel Taylor and myself have rarely, if ever, differed
in any political principle of importance. Every act of his life,
and every word he ever wrote, satisfies me of this. So, also, as
to the two Presidents, late and now in office, I know them both
to be of principles as truly republican as any men living. If
there be anything amiss, therefore, in the present state of our
affairs, as the formidable deficit lately unfolded to us indicates, I
ascribe it to the inattention of Congress to their duties, to their
unwise dissipation and waste of the public contributions. They
seemed, some little while ago, to be at a loss for objects whereon
to throw away the supposed fathomless funds of the treasury. I
had feared the result, because I saw among them some of my old
fellow laborers, of tried and known principles, yet often in their
minorities. I am aware that in one of their most ruinous vagaries,
the people were themselves betrayed into the same phrenzy with
their Representatives. The deficit produced, and a heavy tax to
supply it, will, I trust, bring both to their sober senses.
But it is not from this branch of government we have most to
fear. Taxes and short elections will keep them right. The judi
ciary of the United States is the subtle corps of sappers and
miners constantly working under ground to undermine the foun
dations of our confederated fabric. They are construing our
constitution from a co-ordination of a general and special gov
ernment to a general and supreme one alone. This will lay all
things at their feet, and they are too well versed in English law
to forget the maxim, " boni judicis est ampliare jurisdictioncm."
We shall see if they are bold enough to take the daring stride
their five lawyers have lately taken. If they do, then, with the
editor of our book, in his address to the public, I will say, that
"against this every man should raise his voice," and more, should
uplift his arm. Who wrote this admirable address ? Sound,
luminous, strong, not a word too much, nor one which can be
changed but for the worse. That pen should go on, lay bare
these wounds of our constitution, expose the decisions seriatim,
and arouse, as it is able, the attention of the nation to these bold
speculators on its patience. Having found, from experience, that
1820] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 171
impeachment is an impracticable thing, a mere scare-crow, they
consider themselves secure for life ; they sculk from responsibility
to public opinion, the only remaining hold on them, under a prac
tice first introduced into England by Lord Mansfield. An opin
ion is huddled up in conclave, perhaps by a majority of one,
delivered as if unanimous, and with the silent acquiescence of
lazy or timid associates, by a crafty chief judge, who sophisticates
the law to his mind, by the turn of his own reasoning. A judici
ary law was once reported by the Attorney General to Congress,
requiring each judge to deliver his opinion seriatim and openly,
and then to give it in writing to the clerk to be entered in the
record. A judiciary independent of a king or executive alone, is
a good thing ; but independence of the will of the nation is a
solecism, at least in a republican government.
But to return to your letter ; you ask for my opinion of the
work you send me, and to let it go out to the public. This I
have ever made a point of declining, (one or two instances only
excepted.) Complimentary thanks to writers who have sent me
their works, have betrayed me sometimes before the public, with
out my consent having been asked. But I am far from presum
ing to direct the reading of my fellow citizens, who are good
enough judges themselves of what is worthy their reading. I am,
also, too desirous of quiet to place myself in the way of conten
tion. Against this I am admonished by bodily decay, which can
not be unaccompanied by corresponding wane of the mind. Of
this I am as yet sensible, sufficiently to be unwilling to trust my
self before the public, and when I cease to be so, I hope that
my friends will be too careful of me to draw me forth and pre
sent me, like a Priam in armor, as a spectacle for public compas
sion. I hope our political bark will ride through all its dangers ;
but I can in future be but an inert passenger.
I salute you with sentiments of great friendship and respect.
TO DAVID BAILEY WARDEN. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Dec. 26. 20.
DEAR SIR, — Your acceptable letters of Mar. & Apr. 20 and of
May 15. of the present year, have not been sooner answered,
172 THE WRITINGS OF [1820
nor the brochures you so kindly sent me, acknowledged because
the state of my health has in a great degree interdicted to me the
labors of the writing table. Add to this a stiffening wrist, the
effect of age on an antient dislocation, which is likely to deprive
me entirely of the use of the pen.
We are expecting to see you all involved in war, in Europe.
Revolutions going on in so many of it's countries, such military
movements to suppress them, the intestine barbarisms of Engl?
France, and Germany, seem impossible to pass away without war ;
in a region too where war seems to be the natural state of man.
Nor are we much at our ease here. The mischiefs of bank
papers, catastrophe of our commerce, sudden and continued re
duction of the nominal value of property & produce, which has
doubled and trebled in fact the debts of those who owed any
thing, place us in a state of great depression. But nothing dis
turbs us so much as the dissension lately produced by what is
called the Missouri question : a question having just enough of
the semblance of morality to throw dust into the eyes of the peo
ple, & to fanaticise them ; while with the knowing ones it is simply
a question of power. The Federalists, unable to rise again under
the old division of whig and tory, have invented a geographical
division which gives them 14. states against 10. and seduces their
old opponents into a coalition with them. Real morality is on
the other side. For while the removal of slaves from one state to
another adds no more to their numbers than their removal from
one country to another, the spreading them over a larger surface
adds to their happiness and renders their future emancipation
more practicable. Mr. Botta when he published his excellent his
tory of our revolution, was so kind as to send me a copy of it, for
which I immediately & before I had read it, returned him my
thanks. A careful perusal as soon as I had time made me sensible
of it's high value, and anxious to get it translated & published.
After some time I engaged a very competent person to undertake
it, & lent him my copy. He proceeded however very slowly, & had
made little progress when a Mr. Otis sent me a first volume of a
translation he had made, and lately a zd, the 3d and last
being now in press. It is well done, and I am anxious to send a
copy to Mr. Botta, if I can find the means. The ist difficulty is.
1820] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 173
to keep it out of the French post office, which would tax it beyond
it's value, and you know my situation among the mountains of the
country, & how little probable it is that I should meet with a
passenger going to Paris. I will therefore address a copy thro' my
friend John Vaughan of Philadelphia and request him to deliver it
to some passenger from that place to Paris. Would it be asking
too great a favor of you to mention this, with my great respect, to
Mr. Botta, supplying my inability to write ? And could you even
go further, should you at any time find yourself in the bookshop
of Messrs Debures and say to them that I shall take care in the
spring to remit them the /g.^, balance of their last anovi, which
arrived safely, to which I shall add a further call for some books.
Our family, all present at least, join in friendly remembrances
of you. Mr. Randolph is at present our Governor, & of course at
Richmond. He has had the courage to propose to our legislature
a plan of general emancipation & deportation of our slaves.
Altho this is not ripe to be immediately acted on, it will, with the
Missouri question, force a serious attention to this object by our
citizens, which the vicinage of St. Domingo brings within the
scope of possibility. I salute you with constant & affectionate
respect and attachment.
TO A. C. V. C. DESTUTT DE TRACY. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Dec. 26. 20.
Long ill health, dear Sir, has brought me much into default
with my corresponding friends, and it's sufferings have been aug
mented by the remorse resulting from this default. I learnt with
pleasure from your last letter, and from a later one of M. de la
Fayette, that you were mending in health, and particularly that
your eye-sight was sensibly improved. I have to thank you for
the copy of your Commentary on Montesquieu accompanying your
letter, and a second thro Mr. Barnet. The world ought to possess
it in it's native language, which cannot be compensated by any
translation. This edition published here is now exhausted, and
the copyright being near out, it will be reprinted with a corrected
translation. For altho the former was one sent to me for revisal,
sheet by sheet, yet the original not being sent with them (for the
174 THE WRITINGS OF [1820
printer was 100. leagues distant) I could correct inaccuracies of
language only, and not inconformities of sentiment with the orig
inal. The original MS. was returned to me afterwards, and I hold
it as testimony against the infidelities of Liege, or of another
country.
A second edition of your Economic Politique will soon also be
called for here, in which Milligan's error on the freedom of your
press will not be repeated. When he first printed the Prospectus
of that work, the observation was true, as it was some time be
fore your original was published in Paris. But he was so slow
in getting it thro* the press that the original appeared before
his translation. He ought certainly after that to have omitted
or corrected his prospectus. The knowledge however of your
charter has corrected the error here, by it's sanction of the free
dom of the press, and the publication of the work there, and still
more that of the commentary on Montesquieu are a full vindica
tion of the character of the Charter. These two works will be
come the Statesman's Manual, with us, and they certainly shall be
the elementary books of the political department in our new Uni
versity. This institution of my native state, the Hobby of my
old age, will be based on the illimitable freedom of the human
mind, to explore and to expose every subject susceptible of it's
contemplation.
I still hold and duly value your little MS. entitled 'Logique.'
Being too small to make a volume of itself, I had put it into the
hands of a very able editor of a periodical publication which
promised to be valuable. It would have made a distinguished
article in that work ; but it's continuance having failed for want
of the encouragement it merited, 1 was disappointed in the hope
of giving, to the world this compendious demonstration of the
reality & limits of human knolege. I am still on the watch for a
favorable opportunity of doing it. I am not without the hope
that the improvement in your health may enable you still to com-
pleat your Encyclopedic Morale, by adding the volume which was
to treat of our sentiments and passions. This would fill up our
moral circle, and the measure of our obligations to you.
We go with you all lengths in friendly affections to the inde-
pendance of S. America. But an immediate acknolegement of it
i82o] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 175
calls up other considerations. We view Europe as covering at
present a smothered fire, which may shortly burst forth and pro
duce general conflagration. From this it is our duty to keep
aloof. A formal acknolegement of the independance of her
colonies would involve us with Spain certainly, and perhaps too
with England, if she thinks that a war would divert her internal
troubles. Such a war would hurt us more than it would help our
brethren of the South : and our right may be doubted of mort
gaging posterity for the expences of a war in which they will
have a right to say their interests were not concerned. It is in
cumbent on every generation to pay it's own debts as it goes. A
principle which, if acted on, would save one half the wars of the
world ; and justifies I think our present circumspection. In
the meantime we receive & protect the flag of S. America in it's
commercial intercourse with us, in the acknoleged principles of
neutrality between two belligerant parties in a civil war : and if
we should not be the first, we shall certainly be the second nation
in acknoleging the entire independance of our new friends.
What that independance will end in, I fear is problematical.
Whether in wise government or military despotisms. But pre
pared however, or not, for self-government, if it is their will to
make the trial, it is our duty and desire to wish it cordially
success, and of ultimate success there can be no doubt, and that
it will richly repay all intermediate sufferings. Of this your
country, as well as ours, furnishes living examples. With the ex
pression of hopes for them, accept my prayers for the perfect
restoration of your health, & it's continuance thro' a life as long
as you shall wish it.
TO ALBERT GALLATIN. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, December 26, 1820.
DEAR SIR, — " It is said to be an ill wind which blows favorably
to no one." My health has long suspended the too frequent
troubles I have heretofore given you with my European corre
spondence. To this is added a stiffening wrist, — the effects of
age on an ancient dislocation, — which renders writing slow and
painful, and disables me nearly from all correspondence, and may
176 THE WRITINGS OF [1820
very possibly make this the last trouble I shall give you in that
way.
Looking from our quarter of the world over the horizon of
yours, we imagine we see storms gathering which may again deso
late the face of that country. So many revolutions going on in
different countries at the same time, such combinations of tyranny
and military preparations and movements to suppress them, Eng
land and France unsafe from internal conflict, Germany on the
first favorable occasion ripe for insurrection, such a state of things,
we suppose, must end in war, which needs a kindling spark in one
spot only to spread over the whole. Your information can cor
rect these views, which are stated only to inform you of impres
sions here.
At home things are not well. The flood of paper money, as
you well know, had produced an exaggeration of nominal prices,
and at the same time a facility of obtaining money, which not
only encouraged speculations on fictitious capital, but seduced
those of real capital, even in private life, to contract debts too
freely. Had things continued in the same course, these might
have been managable : but the operations of the United States
Bank for the demolition of the States banks obliged these sud
denly to call in more than half their paper, crushed all fictitious
and doubtful capital, and reduced the prices of property and pro
duce suddenly to one-third of what they had been. Wheat, for
example, at the distance of two or three days from market, fell
to, and continued at, from one-third to half a dollar. Should it
be stationary at this for a while, a very general revolution of
property must take place. Something of the same character has
taken place in our fiscal system. A little while back, Congress
seemed at a loss for objects whereon to squander the supposed
fathomless fund of our Treasury. This short frenzy has been
arrested by a deficit of 5 millions the last year and of 7 millions
this year. A loan was adopted for the former and is proposed for
the latter, which threatens to saddle us with a perpetual debt. I
hope a tax will be preferred, because it will awaken the attention
of the people and make reformation and economy the principles
of the next election. The frequent recurrence of this chastening
operation can alone restrain the propensity of governments to
1820] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 177
enlarge expense beyond income. The steady tenor of the courts
of the United States to break down the constitutional barriers be
tween the co-ordinate powers of the States and of the Union, and
a formal opinion lately given by five lawyers of too much emi
nence, to be neglected, give uneasiness. But nothing has ever
presented so threatening an aspect as what is called the Missouri
question. The Federalists, completely put down and despairing
of ever rising again under the old divisions of Whig and Tory,
devised a new one of slave-holding and non-slave-holding States,
which, while it had a semblance of being moral, was at the same
time geographical, and calculated to give them ascendency by
debauching their old opponents to a coalition with them. Moral
the question certainly is not, because the removal of slaves from
one State to another, no more than their removal from one coun
try to another, would never make a slave of one human being
who would not be so without it. Indeed, if there were any mor
ality in the question it is on the other side ; because by spreading
them over a larger surface their happiness would be increased,
and burden of their future liberation lightened by bringing a
greater number of shoulders under it. However, it served to
throw dust into the eyes of the people and to fanaticize them,
while to the knowing ones it gave a geographical and preponder
ant line of the Potomac and Ohio, throwing fourteen States to the
North and East, and ten to the South and West. With these,
therefore, it is merely a question of power ; but with this geo
graphical minority it is a question of existence. For if Congress
once goes out of the Constitution to arrogate a right of regulating
the condition of the inhabitants of the States, its majority may,
and probably will, next declare that the condition of all men
within the United States shall be that of freedom ; in which case
all the whites south of the Potomac and Ohio must evacuate their
States, and most fortunate those who can do it first. And so far
this crisis seems to- be advancing. The Missouri constitution is
recently rejected by the House of Representatives ; what will be
their next step is yet to be seen. If accepted on the condition
that Missouri shall expunge from it the prohibition of free people
of color from emigration to their State, it will be expunged, and
all will be quieted until the advance of some new State, shall pre-
VOL. X.— 12
178 THE WRITINGS OF [1820
sent the question again. If rejected unconditionally, Missouri
assumes independent self-government, and Congress, after pout
ing awhile, must receive them on the footing of the original
States. Should the Representatives propose force, i, the Senate
will not concur ; 2, were they to concur, there would be a seces
sion of the members south of the line, and probably of the three
Northwestern States, who, however inclined to the other side,
would scarcely separate from those who would hold the Missis
sippi from its mouth to its source. What next ? Conjecture itself
is at a loss. But whatever it shall be you will hear from others
and from the newspapers ; and finally the whole will depend on
Pennsylvania. While she and Virginia hold together, the Atlantic
States can never separate. Unfortunately, in the present case she
has become more fanatisized than any other State. However
useful where you are, I wish you were with them. You might
turn the scale there, which would turn it for the whole. Should
this scission take place, one of the most deplorable consequences
would be its discouragement of the efforts of the European
nations in the regeneration of their oppressive and cannibal gov
ernments. Amidst this prospect of evil I am glad to see one good
effect. It has brought the necessity of some plan of general
emancipation and deportation more home to the minds of our
people than it has ever been before, insomuch that our governor
has ventured to propose one to the Legislature. This will proba
bly not be acted on at this time, nor would it be effectual ; for,
while it proposes to devote to that object one-third of the revenue
of the State, it would not reach one-tenth of the annual increase.
My proposition would be that the holders should give up all born
after a certain day, past, present, or to come ; that these should
be placed under the guardianship of the State, and sent at a
proper age to St. Domingo. They are willing to receive them,
and the shortness of the passage brings the deportation within the
possible means of taxation, aided by charitable contributions.
In these I think Europe, which has forced this evil on us, and the
Eastern States, who have been its chief instruments of importa
tion, would be bound to give largely. But the proceeds of the
land office, if appropriate to this, would be quite sufficient. God
bless you, and preserve you multos aflos.
1820] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 179
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, December 26, 1820.
It is long, indeed, my very dear friend, since I have
been able to address a letter to you. For more than
two years my health has been so entirely prostrate,
that I have, of necessity, intermitted all correspond
ence. The dislocated wrist, too, which perhaps you
may recollect, has now become so stiff from the
effects of age, that writing is become a slow and
painful operation, and scarcely ever undertaken but
under the goad of imperious business. In the mean
time your country has been going on less well than I
had hoped. But it will go on. The light which has
been shed on the mind of man through the civilized
world, has given it a new direction, from which no
human power can divert it. The sovereigns of Eu
rope who are wise, or have wise counsellors, see this,
and bend to the breese which blows ; the unwise
alone stiffen and meet its inevitable crush. The vol
canic rumblings in the bowels of Europe, from north
to south, seem to threaten a general explosion, and
the march of armies into Italy cannot end in a simple
march. The disease of liberty is catching ; those
armies will take it in the south, carry it thence to
their own country, spread there the infection of revo
lution and representative government, and raise its
people from- the prone condition of brutes to the
erect altitude of man. Some fear our envelopment
in the wars engendering from the unsettled state of
our affairs with Spain, and therefore are anxious for
a ratification of our treaty with her. I fear no such
i8o THE WRITINGS OF [1820
thing, and hope that if ratified by Spain it will be re
jected here. We may justly say to Spain, "when
this negotiation commenced, twenty years ago, your
authority was acknowledged by those you are selling
to us. That authority is now renounced, and their
right of self-disposal asserted. In buying them from
you, then, we buy but a war-title, a right to subdue
them, which you can neither convey nor we acquire.
This is a family quarrel in which we have no right to
meddle. Settle it between yourselves, and we will
then treat with the party whose right is acknow
ledged." With whom that will be, no doubt can be
entertained. And why should we revolt them by
purchasing them as cattle, rather than receiving them
as fellow-men ? Spain has held off until she sees
they are lost to her, and now thinks it better to get
something than nothing for them. When she shall
see South America equally desperate, she will be wise
to sell that also.
With us things are going on well. The boisterous
sea of liberty indeed is never without a wave, and
that from Missouri is now rolling towards us, but we
shall ride over it as we have over all others. It is
not a moral question, but one merely of power. Its
object is to raise a geographical principle for the
choice of a president, and the noise will be kept up
till that is effected. All know that permitting the
slaves of the south to spread into the west will not
add one being to that unfortunate condition, that it
will increase the happiness of those existing, and by
spreading them over a larger surface, will dilute the
1821] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 181
evil everywhere, and facilitate the means of getting
finally rid of it, an event more anxiously wished
by those on whom it presses than by the noisy
pretenders to exclusive humanity. In the meantime,
it is a ladder for rivals climbing to power. * * *
TO JAMES MADISON. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Jan. 13, 21.
DEAR SIR, — I return you Mr. Coxe's letter without saying I
have read it. I made out enough to see that it was about the
Missouri question, and the printed papers told me on which side
he was. Could I have devoted a day to it, by interlining the
words as I could pick them out, I might have got at more. The
lost books of Livy or Tacitus might be worth this. Our friend
would do well to write less and write plainer.
I am sorry to hear of the situation of your family, and the more
so as that species of fever is dangerous in the hands of our medi
cal boys. I am not a physician & still less a quack but I may re
late a fact. While I was at Paris, both my daughters were taken
with what we formerly called a nervous fever, now a typhus, dis
tinguished very certainly by a thread-like pulse, low, quick and
every now and then fluttering. Dr. Gem, an English physician,
old, & of great experience, & certainly the ablest I ever met with,
attended them. The one was about 5. or 6. weeks ill, the other
10. years old was 8. or ten weeks. He never gave them a single
dose of physic. He told me it was a disease which tended with
certainty to wear itself off, but so slowly that the strength of the
patient might first fail if not kept up. That this alone was the
object to be attended to by nourishment and stimulus. He forced
them to eat a cup of rice, or panada, or gruel, or of some of the
farinaceous substances of easy digestion every 2. hours and to
drink a glass of Madeira. The youngest took a pint of Madeira
a day without feeling it, and that for many weeks. For costive-
ness, injections were used ; and he observed that a single dose
of medicine taken into the stomach and consuming any of the
182 THE WRITINGS OF [1821
strength of the patient was often fatal. He was attending a
grandson of Mme. Helvetius, of 10 years old, at the same time, &
under the same disease. The boy got so low that the old lady
became alarmed and wished to call in another physician for con
sultation. Gem consented, that physician gave a gentle purgative,
but it exhausted what remained of strength, and the patient ex
pired in a few hours.
I have had this fever in my family 3. or 4. times since I have
lived at home, and have carried between 20. & 30. patients thro'
it without losing a single one, by a rigorous observance of Dr.
Gem's plan and principle. Instead of Madeira I have used toddy
of French brandy about as strong as Madeira. Brown preferred
this stimulus to Madeira. I rarely had a case, if taken in hand
early, to last above i. 2. or 3. weeks, except a single one of 7.
weeks, in whom when I thought him near his last, I discovered a
change in his pulse to regularity, and in 12. hours he was out of
danger. I vouch for these facts only, not for their theory. You
may on their authority, think it expedient to try a single case be
fore it has shewn signs of danger.
On the portentous question before Congress, I think our Holy
Alliance will find themselves so embarrassed with the difficulties
presented to them as to find their solution only in yielding to
Missouri her entrance on the same footing with the other states,
that is to say with the right to admit or exclude slaves at her own
discretion. Ever & affectionately yours.
P. S. I should have observed that the same typhus fever pre
vailed in my neighborhood at the same times as in my family,
and that it was very fatal in the hands of our Philadelphia Tyros.
TO FRANCIS EPPES. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, January 19, 1821.
DEAR FRANCIS, — Your letter of the ist came safely to hand.
I am sorry you have lost Mr. Elliot, however the kindness of
Dr. Cooper will be able to keep you in the track of what is
worthy of your time.
1821] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 183
You ask my opinion of Lord Bolingbroke and Thomas Paine.
They were alike in making bitter enemies of the priests and
pharisees of their day. Both were honest men ; both advocates
for human liberty. Paine wrote for a country which permitted
him to push his reasoning to whatever length it would go. Lord
Bolingbroke in one restrained by a constitution, and by public
opinion. He was called indeed a tory ; but his writings prove
him a stronger advocate for liberty than any of his countrymen,
the whigs of the present day. Irritated by his exile, he com
mitted one act unworthy of him, in connecting himself moment
arily with a prince rejected by his country. But he redeemed
that single act by his establishment of the principles which proved
it to be wrong. These two persons differed remarkably in the
style of their writing, each leaving a model of what is most per
fect in both extremes of the simple and the sublime. No writer
has exceeded Paine in ease and familiarity of style, in perspi
cuity of expression, happiness of elucidation, and in simple and
unassuming language. In this he may be compared with Dr.
Franklin ; and indeed his Common Sense was, for awhile, be
lieved to have been written by Dr. Franklin, and published un
der the borrowed name of Paine, who had come over with him
from England. Lord Bolingbroke's, on the other hand, is a
style of the highest order. The lofty, rhythmical, full-flowing
eloquence of Cicero. Periods of just measure, their members
proportioned, their close full and round. His conceptions, too,
are bold and strong, his diction copious, polished and command
ing as his subject. His writings are certainly the finest samples
in the English language, of the eloquence proper for the Senate.
His political tracts are safe reading for the most timid religion
ist, his philosophical, for those who are not afraid to trust their
reason with discussions of right and wrong.
You have asked my opinion of these persons, and, io you, I
have given it freely. But, remember, that I am old, that I wish
not to make new enemies, nor to give offence to those who
would consider a difference of opinion as sufficient ground for
unfriendly dispositions. God bless you, and make you what I
wish you to be.
1 84 THE WRITINGS OF [1821
TO ARCHIBALD THWEAT. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, January ig, 1821.
DEAR SIR, — I duly received your favor of the nth, covering
Judge Roane's letter, which I now return. Of the kindness of
his sentiments expressed towards myself I am highly sensible ;
and could I believe that my public services had merited the ap
probation he so indulgently bestows, the satisfaction I should
derive from it would be reward enough to his wish that I would
take a part in the transactions of the present day. I am sensible
of my incompetence. For first, I know little about them, having
long withdrawn my attention from public affairs, and resigned
myself with folded arms to the care of those who are to care for
us all. And, next, the hand of time pressing heavily on me, in
mind as well as body, leaves to neither sufficient energy to engage
in public contentions. I am sensible of the inroads daily making
by the federal, into the jurisdiction of its co-ordinate associates,
the State governments. The legislative and executive branches
may sometimes err, but elections and dependence will bring them
to rights/- The judiciary branch is the instrument which, working
like gravity, without intermission, is to press us at last into one
consolidated mass. Against this I know no one who, equally
with Judge Roane himself, possesses the power and the courage to
make resistance ; and to him I look, and have long looked, as our
strongest bulwark. If Congress fails to shield the States from
dangers so palpable and so imminent, the States must shield them
selves, and meet the invader foot to foot. This is already half
done by Colonel Taylor's book ; because a conviction that we are
right accomplishes half the difficulty of correcting wrong. This
book is the most effectual retraction of our government to its
original principles which has ever yet been sent by heaven to our
aid. Every State in the Union should give a copy to every mem
ber they elect, as a standing instruction, and ours should set the
example. Accept with Mrs. Thweat the assurance of my affec
tionate and respectful attachment.1
1 Jefferson again wrote to Thweat :
MONTICELLO, Dec. 24, 21.
DEAR SIR, — I have duly received your two favors of Nov. 6. & Dec. 13. re
questing me to consent to the publication of my opinion on the encroachments
i82i] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 185
TO JOHN ADAMS. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, January 22, 1821.
I was quite rejoiced, dear Sir, to see that you had
health and spirits enough to take part in the late con
vention of your State, for revising its constitution,
and to bear your share in its debates and labors.
The amendments of which we have as yet heard,
prove the advance of liberalism in the intervening
period ; and encourage a hope that the human mind
will some day get back to the freedom it enjoyed two
thousand years ago. This country, which has given
to the world the example of physical liberty, owes to
it that of moral emancipation also, for as yet it is but
nominal with us. The inquisition of public opinion
overwhelms in practice, the freedom asserted by the
laws in theory.
of the judiciary of the U.S. expressed in a former letter to you, but my dear
Sir, there is a time for things ; for advancing and for retiring ; for a Sabbath of
rest as well as for days of labor, and surely that Sabbath has arrived for one
near entering on his Both year. Tranquility is the summum bonum of that age. I
wish now for quiet, to withdraw from the broils of the world, to soothe enmities
and to die in the peace and good will of all mankind. The thing too which you
request has been done in substance. In the extract of a letter, published with
my consent, recommending Colo. Taylor's book, and in a letter to a Mr. Jarvis,
who wrote and sent me a book entitled ' the Republican,' in which letter, I for
mally combated his heretical doctrine that the judiciary is the ultimate expounder
and arbiter of all constitutional questions. You are not aware of the inveterate
hatred still rankling in the hearts of some of our old tories. I received the last
summer a 4th of July oration from the son of a deceased friend. In my
answer I commended it's principles in moderate and inoffensive terms, express
ing at the same time my affections for his father. He published my letter, and
it drew on me torrents of abuse, from particular tory papers, in the revived
spirit of 96. and 1800. Their columns were filled with Billingsgate against me,
for several months. No, my dear friend, permit me at length to retire from
the angry passions of mankind and to pass in undisturbed repose the few days
remaining to me of life. They will surely be past in sentiments of sincere es
teem and respect for yourself, and affectionate attachment to Mrs. Thweat.
1 86 THE WRITINGS OF [1821
Our anxieties in this quarter are all concentrated
in the question, what does the Holy Alliance in and
out of Congress mean to do with us on the Missouri
question ? And this, by-the-bye, is but the name of
the case, it is only the John Doe or Richard Roe of
the ejectment. The real question, as seen in the
States afflicted with this unfortunate population, is,
are our slaves to be presented with freedom and a
dagger ? For if Congress has the power to regulate
the conditions of the inhabitants of the States, within
the States, it will be but another exercise of that
power, to declare that all shall be free. Are we then
to see again Athenian and Lacedemonian confedera
cies ? To wage another Peloponnesian war to settle
the ascendency between them ? Or is this the tocsin
of merely a servile war ? That remains to be seen ;
but not, I hope, by you or me. Surely, they will
parley awhile, and give us time to get out of the way.
What a Bedlamite is man ? But let us turn from our
own uneasiness to the miseries of our southern
friends. Bolivar and Morillo, it seems, have come to
the parley, with dispositions at length to stop the use
less effusion of human blood in that quarter. I feared
from the beginning, that these people were not yet
sufficiently enlightened for self-government ; and that
after wading through blood and slaughter, they would
end in military tyrannies, more or less numerous.
Yet as they wished to try the experiment, I wished
them success in it ; they have now tried it, and will
possibly find that their safest road will be an accom
modation with the mother country, which shall hold
1821] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 187
them together by the single link of the same chief
magistrate, leaving to him power enough to keep
them in peace with one another, and to themselves
the essential power of self-government and self-im
provement, until they shall be sufficiently trained by
education and habits of freedom, to walk safely by
themselves. Representative government, native func
tionaries, a qualified negative on their laws, with a
previous security by compact for freedom of com
merce, freedom of the press, habeas corpus and trial by
jury, would make a good beginning. This last would
be the school in which their people might begin to
learn the exercise of civil duties as well as rights.
For freedom of religion they are not yet prepared.
The scales of bigotry have not sufficiently fallen
from their eyes, to accept it for themselves indi
vidually, much less to trust others with it. But that
will come in time, as well as a general ripeness to
break entirely from the parent stem. You see, my
dear Sir, how easily we prescribe for others a cure for
their difficulties, while we cannot cure our own. We
must leave both, I believe, to heaven, and wrap our
selves up in the mantle of resignation, and of that
friendship of which I tender to you the most sincere
assurances.
TO GEORGE A. OTIS. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Feb. 15. 21.
DEAR SIR, — I have just now received your favor of Jan. 30.
and confirm, by my belief, Mr. Jay's criticism on the passages
quoted from Botta. I can answer for it's truth from this state
1 88 THE WRITINGS OF [1821
southwardly, and Northwardly, I believe, to New York, for which
state Mr. Jay is himself a competent witness. What, Eastward of
that, might be the dispositions towards England before the com
mencement of hostilities I know not. Before that I never had
heard a whisper of disposition to separate from Great Britain.
And after that, it's possibility was contemplated with affliction by
all. Writing is so slow and painful to me that I cannot go into
details, but must refer you to Girardin's history of Virginia pa.
134. and Appendix No. 12, where you will find some evidence of
what the sentiment was at the moment, and given at the moment.
I salute you with great esteem & respect.
TO JUDGE SPENCER ROANE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, March 9, 1821.
DEAR SIR, — I am indebted for your favor of February 25th,
and especially for your friendly indulgence to my excuses for re
tiring from the polemical world. I should not shrink from the
post of duty, had not the decays of nature withdrawn me from
the list of combatants. Great decline in the energies of the body
import naturally a corresponding wane of the mind, and a long
ing after tranquillity as the last and sweetest asylum of age. It
is a law of nature that the generations of men should give way,
one to another, and I hope that the one now on the stage will
preserve for their sons the political blessings delivered into their
hands by their fathers. Time indeed changes manners and no
tions, and so far we must expect institutions to bend to them.
But time produces also corruption of principles, and against this
it is the duty of good citizens to be ever on the watch, and if the
gangrene is to prevail at last, let the day be kept off as long as
possible. We see already germs of this, as might be expected.
But we are not the less bound to press against them. The mul
tiplication of public offices, increase of expense beyond income,
growth and entailment of a public debt, are indications soliciting
the employment of the pruning-knife ; and I doubt not it will be
employed ; good principles being as yet prevalent enough for
that.
1821] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 189
The great object of my fear is the federal judiciary. That
body, like gravity, ever acting, with noiseless foot, and unalarm-
ing advance, gaining ground step by step, and holding what it
gains, is ingulphing insidiously the special governments into the
jaws of that which feeds them. The recent recall to first prin
ciples, however, by Colonel Taylor, by yourself, and now by
Alexander Smith, will, I hope, be heard and obeyed, and that a
temporary check will be effected. Yet be not weary of well
doing. Let the eye of vigilance never be closed.
Last and most portentous of all is the Missouri question. It is
smeared over for the present ; but its geographical demarcation is
indelible. What it is to become, I see not ; and leave to those
who will live to see it. The University will give employment
to my remaining years, and quite enough for my senile faculties.
It is the last act of usefulness I can render, and could I see it
open I would not ask an hour more of life. To you I hope
many will still be given ; and, certain they will all be employed
for the good of our beloved country, I salute you with sentiments
of especial friendship and respect.1
1 Jefferson further wrote to Judge Roane :
MONTICELLO, June 27, 1821.
DEAR SIR, — I have received through the hands of the Governor, Colonel
Taylor's letter to you. It is with extreme reluctance that I permit myself to
usurp the office of an adviser of the public, what books they should read, and
what not. I yield, however, on this occasion to your wish and that of Colonel
Taylor, and do what (with a single exception only) I never did before, on the
many similar applications made to me. On reviewing my letters to Colonel
Taylor and to Mr. Thweat, neither appeared exactly proper. Each contained
matter which might give offence to the judges, without adding strength to the
opinion. I have, therefore, out of the two, cooked up what may be called " an
extract of a letter from Th : J. to ; " but without saying it is published
•with my consent. That would forever deprive me of the ground of declining
the office of a Reviewer'of books in future cases. I sincerely wish the attention
of the public may be drawn to the doctrines of the book ; and if this self-styled
extract may contribute to it, I shall be gratified. I salute you with constant
friendship and respect.
The " cooked up " commendation was :
"EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM TH : JEFFERSON TO .
" I have read Colonel Taylor's book of ' Constructions Construed,' with
great satisfaction, and, I will say, with edification ; for I acknowledge it cor-
190 THE WRITINGS OF [1821
TO SAMUEL H. SMITH. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Apr. 12. 21.
DEAR SIR, — I received yesterday your favor of the 5th and now
inclose for Mr. Barton a letter of introduction to M. de la Fayette,
the only personal acquaintance I have, now living in France.
On politics I can say little to you, having withdrawn all atten
tion to them from the day of my retirement. My confidence in
both my successors has been so entire, that assured that all was
going on for the best under their care I have not enquired what
was going on. I am sorry to see our expences greater than our
income. Debt & revolution are inseparable as cause and effect.
It is the point of peculiar sensibility in our people, and one
which they will not long endure. Parties will be arrayed on the
principle of reformation, and there can be no doubt which will
reeled some errors of opinion into which I had slidden without sufficient exam
ination. It is the most logical retraction of our governments to the original and
true principles of the constitution creating them, which has appeared since the
adoption of that instrument. I may not perhaps concur in all its opinions,
great and small ; for no two men ever thought alike on so many points. But
on all its important questions, it contains the true political faith, to which every
catholic republican should steadfastly hold. It should be put into the hands of
all our functionaries, authoritatively, as a standing instruction, and true expo
sition of our Constitution, as understood at the time we agreed to it. It is a
fatal heresy to suppose that either our State governments are superior to the
federal, or the federal to the States. The people, to whom all authority be
longs, have divided the powers of government into two distinct departments,
the leading characters of which are foreign and domestic ; and they have ap
pointed for each a distinct set of functionaries. These they have made co-ordi
nate, checking and balancing each other, like the three cardinal departments in
the individual States : each equally supreme as to the powers delegated to it
self, and neither authorized ultimately to decide what belongs to itself, or to its
coparcener in government. As independent, in fact, as different nations, a
spirit of forbearance and compromise, therefore, and not of encroachment and
usurpation, is the healing balm of such a constitution ; and each party should
prudently shrink from all approach to the line of demarcation, instead of rashly
overleaping it, or throwing grapples ahead to haul to hereafter. But, finally,
the peculiar happiness of our blessed system is, that in differences of opinion
between these different sets of servants, the appeal is to neither, but to their
employers peaceably assembled by their representatives in Convention. This is
more rational than the jus fortioris, or the cannon's mouth, the ultima et sola
ratio regum"
THOMAS JEFFERSON. 191
be the strongest. It would do some good if it would obliterate
the geographical division which threatened and still threatens
our separation. This last is a most fatal of all divisions as no
minority will submit to be governed by a majority acting merely
on a geographical principle. It has ever been my creed that
the continuance of our union depends entirely on Pennsylve &
Virginia, if they hold together nothing North or South will fly off.
I firmly believe all the governments of Europe will become rep
resentative. The very troops sent to quell the spirit of reformn.
in Naples will catch the fever & carry it back to their own
country. We owe to all mankind the sacrifice of those morbid
passions which would break our confederacy, the only anchor
to which the hopes of the world are moored. Our thoughts and
conversations are often turned to Mrs. Smith & yourself, and
always affectionately. In these sentiments the family now joins
me, and in tendering to you our affectionate souvenirs.
TO HENRY DEARBORN. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, August 17, l82I.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of the 8th came to hand yesterday
evening. I hope you will never suppose your letters to be among
those which are troublesome to me. They are always welcome,
and it is among my great comforts to hear from my ancient col
leagues, and to know that they are well. The affectionate recol
lection of Mrs. Dearborne, cherished by our family, will ever
render her health and happiness interesting to them. You are
so far astern of Mr. Adams and myself, that you must not yet talk
of old age. I am happy to hear of his good health. I think he
will outlive us all, I mean the Declaration-men, although our
senior since the death of Colonel Floyd. It is a race in which I
have no ambition to win. Man, like the fruit he eats, has his
period of ripeness. Like that, too, if he continues longer hang
ing to the stem, it is but an useless and unsightly appendage. I
rejoice with you that the State of Missouri is at length a member
of our Union. Whether the question it excited is dead, or only
sleepeth, I do not know. I see only that it has given resurrec-
i92 THE WRITINGS OF [1821
tion to the Hartford convention men. They have had the ad
dress, by playing on the honest feelings of our former friends, to
seduce them from their kindred spirits, and to borrow their weight
into the federal scale. Desperate of regaining power under po
litical distinctions, they have adroitly wriggled into its seat under
the auspices of morality, and are again in the ascendency from
which their sins had hurled them. It is indeed of little con
sequence who governs us, if they sincerely and zealously cherish
the principles of union and republicanism.
I still believe that the Western extension of our confederacy
will ensure its duration, by overruling local factions, which might
shake a smaller association. But whatever may be the merit or
demerit of that acquisition, I divide it with my colleagues, to
whose counsels I was indebted for a course of administration
which, notwithstanding this late coalition of clay and brass, will,
I hope, continue to receive the approbation of our country.
The portrait by Stewart was received in due time and good
order, and claims, for this difficult acquisition, the thanks of the
family, who join me in affectionate souvenirs of Mrs. Dearborne
and yourself. My particular salutations to both flow, as ever,
from the heart, continual and warm.
TO NATHANIEL MACON. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Aug. IQ. 21.
DEAR SIR, — You have probably seen in the newspapers a letter
of mine recommending Colo. Taylor's book to the notice of our
fellow-citizens. I am pelted for it in print, and in letters, also
complaining of the unfair use made of it by certain commentators.
For this misuse I cannot be responsible. But I inclose to you
my answer to one of these letters and place it in your hands as the
Depository of old & sound principles and as a record of my pro
test against this parricide tribunal. There are two measures
which if not taken, we are undone, ist. to check these uncon
stitutional invasions of state rights by the federal judiciary. How ?
not by impeachment in the first instance, but by a strong protesta
tion of both houses of Congress that such and such doctrines,
1821] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 193
advanced by the supreme court, are contrary to the constitution :
and if afterwards they relapse into the same heresies, impeach
and set the whole adrift. For what was the government di
vided into three branches, but that each should watch over the
others, and oppose their usurpations ? 2. To cease borrowing
money & to pay off the national debt. If this cannot be done
without dismissing the army & putting the ships out of commis
sion, haul them up high and dry, and reduce the army to the low
est point at which it was ever established. There does not exist
an engine so corruptive of the government and so demoralizing
of the nation as a public debt. It will bring on us more ruin at
home than all the enemies from abroad against whom this army
and navy are to protect us. What interest have we in keeping
ships in service in the Pacific Ocean ? To protect a few specula
tive adventurers in a commerce dealing in nothing in which we
have an interest. As if the Atlantic & Mediterranean were not
large enough for American capital ! As if commerce and not
agriculture was the principle of our association ! God bless you
& long continue your wholesome influence in the public councils.1
1 In reply to a question from Macon concerning this letter, Jefferson wrote to
BUCKSPRING, Oct. 20, '21.
Absence at an occasional but distant residence prevented my receiving
your friendly letter of Oct. 20. till 3. d. ago. A line from good old friends is
like balm to my soul. You ask me what you are to do with my letter of Sep.
19. I wrote it, my dear Sir, with no other view than to pour my thoughts into
your bosom. I knew they would be safe there, and I believed they would be
welcome, but if you think, as you say, that " good would be done by shewing it
to a few well tried friends " I have no objectn to that. But ultimately you can
not do better than to throw it into the fire. My confidence, as you kindly ob
served, has been often abused by the publication of my Itres for the purposes of
interest or vanity ; and it has been to me the source of much pain to be exhib
ited before the public in forms not meant for them. I receive Ires expressed in
the most frdly & even affectionate terms, sometimes perhaps asking my opn on
some subject. I cannot refuse to answer such letters, nor can I do it dryly &
suspiciously. Among a score or two 'of such correspdts, one perhaps betrays
me. I feel it mortifyingly, but conclude I had better incur one treachery than
offend a score or two of good people. I sometimes expressly desire that my
letters may not be publd, but this is so like requesting a man not to steal or
cheat that I am ashamed of it after I have done it.
Our govmt is now taking so steady a course as to shew by what road it will
pass to destruction, to wit, by consolidn first, & then corruption, it's neces-
VOL. x.— 13
194 THE WRITINGS OF [1821
TO JAMES MADISON. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Sep. 16. 21.
DEAR SIR, — I have no doubt you have occasionally been led to
reflect on the character of the duty imposed by Congress on the
importation of books. Some few years ago, when the tariff was
before Congress, I engaged some of our members of Congress to
endeavour to get the duty repealed and wrote on the subject to
some other acquaintances in Congress, and pressingly to the Sec
retary of the treasury. The effort was made by some members
with zeal and earnestness, but it failed. The northern colleges
are now proposing to make a combined effort for that purpose as
you will see by the inclosed extract of a letter from Mr. Ticknor
asking the co-operation of the Southern and Western institutions,
& of our university particularly. Mr. Ticknor goes so ably into
all the considerations justifying this step, that nothing need be
added here, & especially to you ; and we have only to answer his
questions, whether we think with them on the subject of the tax ?
What should be the extent of the relaxation solicited? What
mode of proceeding we think best ? And whether we will co
operate in our visitatorial character ? I must earnestly request
your thoughts on these questions, fearful of answering them unad
visedly, and on my own opinions alone.
I think that another measure, auxiliary to that of petitioning
might be employed with great effect. That is for the several in
stitutions, in their corporate capacities, to address letters to their
representatives in both houses of Congress, recommending the
proposition to their advocation. Such a recommendation would
certainly be respected, and might excite to activity those who
sary consequence. The engine of consolidn will be the Fedl judiciary, the two
other branches the corrupted & corrupting instruments. I fear an explosion in
our state legislature. I wish they may confine themselves to a strong but pacific
temper. Protestn Virge is not at present in favr with her co-states. An opposn
headed by her would determine all the anti-Missouri states to take the contrary
side. She had better lie by therefore until the shoe shall pinch an Eastern
state. Let the cry be first raised from that quarter & we may fall into it with
effect. But I fear our Eastern associates wish for consolidn, in which they
would be joined by the smaller states generally, but with a foot in the grave
I have no right to meddle with these things. Ever & affectly.
i82i] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 195
might otherwise be indifferent and inactive and in this way a great
vote, perhaps a majority might be obtained. There is a consider
ation going to the injustice of the tax which might be added to
those noticed by Mr. Ticknor. Books constitute capital. A
library book lasts as long as a house, for hundreds of years. It
is not then an article of mere consumption but fairly of capital,
and often in the case of professional men, setting out in life it is
their only capital. Now there is no other form of capital which
is first taxed 18. per cent on the gross, and the proprietor then
left to pay the same taxes in detail with others whose capital has
paid no tax on the gross. Nor is there a description of men less
proper to be singled out for extra taxation. Mr. Ticknor, you
observe, asks a prompt answer, and I must ask it from you for the
additional reason that within about a week, I set out for Bedford
to remain there till the approach of winter. Be so good as to
return me also the inclosed extract and be assured of my constant
& affectionate friendship.
TO MRS. ELIZABETH PAGE.1
[NEE MISS NELSON.]
MONTICELLO, Dec. 8, '21.
It would give me infinite pleasure, dear Madam,
could I have afforded you the information requested
in your favor of the 27th of Nov. respecting the sacri
fices of property to the relief of his country made by
the virtuous General Nelson, your father, while in
office during the war of the revolution. I retired
from the administration of the government in May
1781. Until that time the paper money, altho' it had
been gradually depreciating from an early period, yet
served the purposes of obtaining supplies, and was
issued, as wanted, by the legislature. Consequently
1 From the original in the possession of Dr. Thomas Addis_Emmet of New
York.
196 THE WRITINGS OF [1821
until that period there had been no occasion for ad
vances of money in aid of the public, by any private
individual. I was succeeded as governor by Genl.
Nelson. Within his period the credit of the money
went rapidly down to nothing, and ceased to be offered
or received, At this time came on the Northern &
French armies, and to enable these to keep the field
during the siege of York was probably the occasion
which led the General to take on himself responsibili
ties for which the public credit might not perhaps
be sufficient. I was entirely withdrawn from public
affairs, being confined at home, first for many months
by a severe domestic loss, until I was sent to Con
gress and thence to Europe, from whence I did not
return until some time after the death of the worthy
General. I then first heard mention of his losses by
responsibilities for the public : and knowing his zeal,
liberality & patriotism, I readily credited what I heard,
altho' I knew nothing of the particulars or of their
extent.
It would have been a matter of great satisfaction
to me, could I by any knowlege of facts have contrib
uted to obtain a just remuneration and relief for his
family, and particularly for Mrs. Nelson, whose singu
lar worth and goodness I have intimately known now
more than half a century and whose name revives in
my mind the affectionate recollections of my youth.
With my regrets at this unprofitable appeal, be so
kind as to tender her assurances of my continued and
devoted respect, and to accept yourself those of my
highest esteem and regard.
1821] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 197
TO THE REV. MR. HATCH.1
MONTICELLO, Dec. 8. 21.
DEAR SIR, — In the antient Feudal times of our
good old forefathers when the Seigneur married his
daughter, or knighted his son, it was the usage for
his vassals to give him a year's rent extra in the
name of an Aid. I think it as reasonable when our
Pastor builds a house, that each of his flock should
give him an Aid of a year's contribution. I inclose
mine as a tribute of Justice, which of itself indeed is
nothing, but as an example, if followed, may become
something. In any event be pleased to accept it as
an offering of duty, & a testimony of my friendly at
tachment and high respect.
TO JAMES PLEASANTS. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Dec. 26. 21.
DEAR SIR, — I learn with real regret from your favor of the
loth the several circumstances which have deprived me of the
pleasure of seeing, either here or at Poplar Forest, a relation
whom I have long been taught to esteem, altho I have not the
advantage of his personal acquaintance. I must find my conso
lation in the French adage that 'tout ce qui est differe n'est pas
perdu,' assuring you that no visit will be received with more wel
come. My hope too of a reiteration of effort is strengthened by
the presumed additional excitement of curiosity to see our Uni
versity ; this now draws to it numerous visitors from every part
of the state & from strangers passing thro it. I can assure you
there is no building in the US. so worthy of being seen, and
which gives an idea so adequate of what is to be seen beyond
1 From the original in the possession of Mr. F. G. Burnham of Morristown,
New Jersey.
198 THE WRITINGS OF [1821
the Atlantic. There, to be sure they have immensely larger and
more costly masses, but nothing handsomer or in chaster style.
The balance which you mention as coming to me from Ron
ald's executors be so good as to have paid into the hands of
Colo. Bernard Peyton my correspondent in Richmond.
I find you are to be harassed again with a bankrupt law.
Could you not compromise between agriculture and commerce
by passing such a law which like the bye laws of incorporate
towns, should be binding on the inhabitants of such towns only,
being the residence of commerce, leaving the agriculturists, in
habitants of the country, in undisturbed possession of the rights
& modes of proceedings to which their habits, their interests and
their partialities attach them ? This would be as uniform as
other laws of local obligation.
But you will have a more difficult task in curbing the Judi
ciary in their enterprises on the constitution. I doubt whether
the erection of the Senate into an appellate court on Constitu
tional questions would be deemed an unexceptionable reliance ;
because it would enable the judiciary, with the representatives
in Senate of one third only of our citizens, and that in a single
house, to make by construction what they should please of the con
stitution, and thus bind in a double knot the other two thirds, for
I believe that one third of our citizens chuse a majority of the
Senate, and these too of the smaller states whose interests lead
to lessen state influence, & strengthen that of the general gov
ernment. A better remedy I think, and indeed the best I can
devise would be to give future commissions to judges for six
years (the Senatorial term) with a re-appointmentability by the
president with the approbation of both houses. That of the H.
of Repr. imports a majority of citizens, that of the Senate a ma
jority of states and that of both a majority of the three sovereign
departments of the existing government, to wit, of it's Execu
tive & legislative branches. If this would not be independance
enough, I know not what would be such, short of the total irre
sponsibility under which we are acting and sinning now. The
independance of the judges in England on the King alone is
good ; but even there they are not independant on the Parlia
ment ; being removable on the joint address of both houses, by
i82i] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 199
a vote of a majority of each, but we require a majority of one
house and 2/3 of the other, a concurrence which, in practice,
has been and ever will be found impossible ; for the judiciary
perversions of the constitution will forever be protected under
the pretext of errors of judgment, which by principle are ex
empt from punishment. Impeachment therefore is a bugbear
which they fear not at all. But they would be under some awe of
the canvas of their conduct which would be open to both houses
regularly every 6th year. It is a misnomer to call a government
republican, in which a branch of the supreme power is inde-
pendant of the nation. By this change of tenure a remedy
would be held up to the states, which altho' very distant, would
probably keep them quiet. In aid of this a more immediate effect
would be produced by a joint protestation of both Houses of
Congress, that the doctrines of the judges in the case of Cohens,
adjudging a state amenable to their tribunal, and that Congress
can authorize a corporation of the district of Columbia to pass
any act which shall have the force of law within a state, are con
trary to the provisions of the Constitution of the US. This
would be effectual ; as with such an avowal of Congress, no
state would permit such a sentence to be carried into execution,
within it's limits. If, by the distribution of the sovereign pow
ers among three branches, they were intended to be checks on
one another, the present case calls loudly for the exercise of that
duty, and such a counter declaration, while proper in form,
would be most salutary as a precedent.
Another most condemnable practice of the supreme court to be
corrected is that of cooking up a decision in Caucus & delivering
it by one of their members as the opinion of the court, without
the possibility of our knowing how many, who, and for what rea
sons each member concurred. This compleatly defeats the possi
bility of impeachment by smothering evidence. A regard for
character in each being now the only hold we can have of them,
we should hold fast to it. They would, were they to give their
opinions seriatim and publicly, endeavor to justify themselves to
the world by explaining the reasons which led to their opinion.
While Edmd Randolph was attorney general, he was charged on
a particular occasion by the H. of R. to prepare a digest and
200 THE WRITINGS OF [1821
some amendments to the judiciary law. One of the amendments
he proposed was that every judge should give his individual opin
ion, and reasons in open court, which opinions and reasons should
be recorded in a separate book to be published occasionally in
the nature of Reports. Other business prevented Congress from
acting then on the bill. Such a provision would produce valua
ble effect and emulation in forming an opinion and correctly
reasoning on it ; and would give us Reports, unswelled by the
arguments of counsel and within the compass of our reading and
book shelves. But these things belong to the present generation,
who are to live under them. The machine, as it is, will, I believe,
last my time, and those coming after will know how to repair it to
their own minds. I cannot help sometimes yielding to senile
garrulity on matters not belonging to me, yet I pray not to be
quoted, but pardoned for this weakness of age. With my prayers
that our constitution may ' perpetuum durare per aevum ' accept
the assurances of my affectionate esteem and respect.
TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Dec. 31. 21.
DEAR SIR, — The inclosed paper was handed to me by our dear
Martha with a request that I would consider it, and say to you
what I think of it. General Taylor has certainly stated the ob
jections to Mr. Hackley's claim so fairly, fully and powerfully,
that I need not repeat them, observing only that in mentioning
the notice which Erving had of the negociation with Alagon, he
does not mention Mr. Hackley's notice, who on the 2pth of May
1819 took a conveyance from Alagon with a full knolege that 3.
months before, the US. had by treaty become proprietors of the
whole province, and with an express annulment of the very title
he was purchasing. This is more than a set off against the im
plied notice of our government thro Erving. However the cir
cumstance of notice, duly examined, has little weight in the case.
The effect of the ratification is the true point, & that on which
Genl. Taylor very properly rests it, and on which it will turn. On
that two questions will arise.
1821] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 201
1. Did the ratification by the Cortes extend to the 2d & 3d
articles only and not to the 8th and it's subsequent explanations
of the extent of these articles ? If we are to decide this question
for ourselves (doubting the judgment of our government) we
should have the act of the Cortes before us, to examine criti
cally it 's precise terms. But that I presume we have not ; as
Genl. Taylor seems to take his information of it from the recital
in the preamble of the Spanish ratification, that ' the consent
and authority of the general Cortes with respect to the occasion
mentioned and stipulated in the 2d and 3d articles, had been first
obtained.' May not this mean that they had consented to all the
articles which respect the cession mentioned in the 2d and 3d ?
Is it a necessary inference from this that the Cortes had not con
sented to any other article, and especially the 8th and it 's ex
planations which respect the cession mentioned in the 2d and 3d,
and their extent ? Which is most probable, that the Cortes re
fused their assent to that article ? or that the King omitted to
communicate it to them ? or that, altho' the fact of consent might
be material, it 's mention in the recital being unnecessary & super
fluous, might be neither fully nor critically made ? Again, when
we consider that our government (informed that grants had been
made to Alagon, Punon Rostro & de Vargas, subsequent in truth
to Jan. 24. 1 8. but antedated fraudulently to bring them within
the treaty, which grants covered nearly the whole country, from
the boundary of the US. to the sea) made their nullification a
sine que non of the treaty, that they pertinaciously continued to
refuse concluding it until their nullification was agreed to, can we
believe they did conclude without knowing that the ratification
of this article was as formal and firm as that of the articles it re
spected and explained ? Did they mean to deceive their country
and palm upon us a fallacious instrument ? or were they deceived
themselves, that is to say, the President, all the heads of depart
ments, the Atty General, and the whole Senate, as having less
knolege than we have of what was a valid ratification ? I confess
that these considerations have weight with me when opposed to
the opinion of Genl. Taylor as to the validity of the ratification.
2. But a second question may be made, whether the ratifica
tion of the Cortes was necessary ? Whether the constitution pro-
202 THE WRITINGS OF [1821
posed by them for the colonies had authority in them until
accepted in each colony respectively ? The inhabitants of the
colonies themselves, our government and our nation, certainly
deny that it could, on principle, be in force in any colony without
it's consent ; and at the date of the ratification, not a single colony
had accepted, nor do I know that a single one has done it to this
day. I think myself certain that the Floridas have not. The old
government continued in them to the day of their surrender ; and
under the old government, a cession of territory and ratification
by the king was conclusive. Of this the cession of the same
countries by the king to England, that of a degree of latitude of
them to the US. and that of Louisiana to France are sufficient
proofs.
It is with real reluctance that I feel or express any doubts ad
verse to the interests of Mr. Hackley. I do it to yourself only,
and with a wish not to be quoted, as well to avoid injury to him,
as the implication of myself in anything controversial. I am far
from having strong confidence in doubts of what two such able
jurists have decided ; yet for Mr. Hackley's sake I anxiously wish
that he should not be so far over-confident in the certainty of these
opinions as to enter into any warranties of title in the portions he
may dispose of. These vast grants of land are entirely against the
policy of our government. They have ever set their faces most
decidedly against such monopolies. In all their sales of land they
have taken every measure they could devise to prevent specula
tions in them by purchases to sell again, & to provide that sales
should be made to settlers alone. On this ground Mr. Hackley
will have to contend against prejudices deeply rooted. These
might perhaps be somewhat softened if, instead of taking adverse
possession, which the President is bound to remove summarily
by the military, he were to make to Congress a full and candid
statement of the considerations he has paid, or the sacrifices
made, of which these lands are the compensation. They might
in that case make him such a grant as would amount to a liberal
indemnification.
I shall ever studiously avoid expressing to any person any
doubt which might injure Mr. Hackley's prospects from this
source, and sincerely wish him the most can be made of them.
1 822] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 203
I renew to yourself affectionate assurances of attachment and
respect.
TO THOMAS RITCHIE. J. MSS.
MONTO. Jan. 7. 22.
DR. SIR, — I see with much concern in your paper of the 3d that
they are endeavoring to compromit me on the subject of the next
President. The informn said to come from a gent, from Columbia
is totally unfounded, & you will observe that the Augusta Chron
icle which cited me as giving an acct. of the same Caucus says not
a word of any letter from me. For all of the gentlemen named as
subjects of the future election I have the highest esteem and
should much regret that they should suppose me to take any part
in it. I entirely and decidedly withdraw myself from all inter
meddling in matters of this nature. You will oblige me by in
serting in your paper some such contribution as below 1 in a form
not importing to come directly from myself. It is the more neces
sary as you seem to have given credit to it. I salute you with
frdshp & resp.
TO JEDEDIAH MORSE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, March 6, 1822.
SIR, — I have duly received your letter of February the i6th,
and have now to express my sense of the honorable station pro
posed to my ex-brethren and myself, in the constitution of the
society for the civilization and improvement of the Indian tribes.
The object too, expressed as that of the association, is one which
I have ever had much at heart, and never omitted an occasion
1 " In our paper of the 3d, under the head of the ' next President ' we quoted
from the Petersbg Intelligencer the information of a Gentleman from Columbia
S. C. mentioning that in a Caucus of members assembled there for the nomin
of a President a letter was read from Mr. Jefferson pointing to this object. We
are authorized by a friend of Mr. J's much in his society & intimacy to declare
that that Gent, never wrote such a letter, never put pen to paper on that sub
ject, and studiously avoids all conversn on it."
204 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
of promoting while I have been in situations to do it with effect,
and nothing, even now, in the calm of age and retirement, would
excite in me a more lively interest than an approvable plan of
raising that respectable and unfortunate people from the state of
physical and moral abjection, to which they have been reduced
by circumstances foreign to them. That the plan now proposed
is entitled to unmixed approbation, I am not prepared to say, after
mature consideration, and with all the partialities which its pro
fessed object would rightfully claim from me.
I shall not undertake to draw the line of demarcation between
private associations of laudable views and unimposing numbers,
and those whose magnitude may rivalize and jeopardize the
march of regular government. Yet such a line does exist. I
have seen the days, they were those which preceded the revolu
tion, when even this last and perilous engine became necessary ;
but they were days which no man would wish to see a second
time. That was the case where the regular authorities of the
government had combined against the rights of the people, and
no means of correction remained to them but to organize a col
lateral power, which, with their support, might rescue and secure
their violated rights. But such is not the case with our govern
ment. We need hazard no collateral power, which, by a change
of its original views, and assumption of others we know not how
virtuous or how mischievous, would be ready organized and in
force sufficient to shake the established foundations of society,
and endanger its peace and the principles on which it is based.
Is not the machine now proposed of this gigantic stature ? It is
to consist of the ex-Presidents of the United States, the Vice
President, the Heads of all the executive departments, the mem
bers of the supreme judiciary, the Governors of the several States
and territories, all the members of both Houses of Congress, all
the general officers of the army, the commissioners of the navy,
all Presidents and Professors of colleges and theological semi
naries, all the clergy of the United States, the Presidents and
Secretaries of all associations having relation to Indians, all com
manding officers within or near Indian territories, all Indian
superintendents and agents; all these ex officio ; and as many
private individuals as will pay a certain price for membership.
i8*2] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 205
Observe, too, that the clergy will constitute ' nineteen twentieths
of this association, and, by the law of the majority, may command
the twentieth part, which, composed of all the high authorities of
the United States, civil and military, may be outvoted and wielded
by the nineteen parts with uncontrollable power, both as to pur
pose and process. Can this formidable array be reviewed with
out dismay ? It will be said, that in this association will be all
the confidential officers of the government ; the choice of the
people themselves. No man on earth has more implicit confi
dence than myself in the integrity and discretion of this chosen
band of servants. But is confidence or discretion, or is strict
limit, the principle of our constitution ? It will comprehend, in
deed, all the functionaries of the government ; but seceded from
their constitutional stations as guardians of the nation, and acting
not by the laws of their station, but by those of a voluntary soci
ety, having no limit to their purposes but the same will which
constitutes their existence. It will be the authorities of the peo
ple and all influential characters from among them, arrayed on
one side, and on the other the people themselves deserted by
their leaders. It is a fearful array. It will be said that these are
imaginary fears. I know they are so at present. I know it is as
impossible for these agents of our choice and unbounded confi
dence, to harbor machinations against the adored principles of
our constitution, as for gravity to change its direction, and gravid
bodies to mount upwards. The fears are indeed imaginary, but
the example is real. Under its authority, as a precedent, future
associations will arise with objects at which we should shudder
at this time. The society of Jacobins, in another country, was
instituted on principles and views as virtuous as ever kindled the
hearts of patriots. It was the pure patriotism of their purposes
which extended their association to the limits of the nation, and
rendered their power within it boundless ; and it was this power
which degenerated their principles and practices to such enor
mities as never before could have been imagined. Yet these
1 The clergy of the United States may probably be estimated at eight thou
sand. The residue of this society at four hundred ; but if the former number
be halved, the reasoning will be the same. — T. J.
206 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
were men, and we and our descendants will be no more. The
present is a case where, if ever, we are to guard against ourselves;
not against ourselves as we are, but as we may be ; for who can
now imagine what we may become under circumstances not now
imaginable ? The object of this institution, seems to require so
hazardous an example as little as any which could be proposed.
The government is, at this time, going on with the process of
civilizing the Indians, on a plan probably as promising as any
one of us is able to devise, and with resources more competent
than we could expect to command by voluntary taxation. Is it
that the new characters called into association with those of the
government, are wiser than these ? Is it that a plan originated
by a meeting of private individuals is better than that prepared
by the concentrated wisdom of the nation, of men not self-chosen,
but clothed with the full confidence of the people ? Is it that
there is no danger that a new authority, marching, independently,
along side of the government, in the same line and to the same
object, may not produce collision, may not thwart and obstruct
the operations of the government, or wrest the object entirely
from their hands ? Might we not as well appoint a committee
for each department of the government, to counsel and direct its
head separately, as volunteer ourselves to counsel and direct the
whole, in mass ? And might we not do it as well for their foreign,
their fiscal, and their military, as for their Indian affairs ? And
how many societies, auxiliary to the government, may we expect
to see spring up, in imitation of this, offering to associate them
selves in this and that of its functions ? In a word, why not take
the government out of its constitutional hands, associate them
indeed with us, to preserve a semblance that the acts are theirs,
but insuring them to be our own by allowing them a minor vote
only ?
These considerations have impressed my mind with a force so
irresistible, that (in duty bound to answer your polite letter, with
out which I should not have obtruded an opinion) I have not been
able to withhold the expression of them. Not knowing the indi
viduals who have proposed this plan, I cannot be conceived as
entertaining personal disrespect for them. On the contrary, I see
in the printed list persons for whom I cherish sentiments of sin-
1822] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 207
cere friendship, and others, for whose opinions and purity of pur
pose I have the highest respect. Yet thinking as I do, that this
association is unnecessary ; that the government is proceeding to
the same object under control of the law ; that they are compe
tent to it in wisdom, in means, and inclination ; that this associa
tion, this wheel within a wheel, is more likely to produce collision
than aid ; and that it is, in its magnitude, of dangerous example ;
I am bound to say, that, as a dutiful citizen, I cannot in conscience
become a member of this society, possessing as it does my entire
confidence in the integrity of its views. I feel with awe the
weight of opinion to which I may be opposed, and that, for my
self, I have need to ask the indulgence of a belief that the opinion
I have given is the best result I can deduce from my own reason
and experience, and that it is sincerely conscientious. Repeating,
therefore, my just acknowledgments for the honor proposed to
me, I beg leave to add the assurances to the society and yourself
of my highest confidence and consideration.1
1 Jefferson, before writing this, had written to Madison :
MONTICELLO, Feb. 25, 22.
DEAR SIR, — I have no doubt you have received, as I have done, a letter from
Dr. Morse with a printed pamphlet, proposing to us a place in a self-constituted
society for the civilisation of the Indian &c. I am anxious to know your
thoughts on the subject because they would affect my confidence in my own.
I disapprove the proposition altogether. I acknolege the right of voluntary as
sociations for laudable purposes and in moderate numbers. I acknolege too the
expediency, for revolutionary purposes, of general associations, coextensive with
the nation. But where, as in our case, no abuses call for revolution, voluntary
associations so extensive as to grapple with & controul the government, should
such be or become their purpose, are dangerous machines, and should be frowned
down in every regulated government. Here is one proposed to comprehend all
the functionaries of the government executive, legislative & Judiciary, all officers
of the army or navy, governors of the states, learned institutions, the whole
body of the clergy who will be 19/20 of the whole association, and as many other
individuals as can be enlisted for 5. D. apiece. For what object? One which
the government is pursuing with superior means, superior wisdom, and under
limits of legal prescription. And by whom ? A half dozen or dozen private
individuals, of whom we know neither the number nor names, except of Elias
B. Caldwell their foreman, Jedediah Morse of Ocean memory their present Sec
retary & in petto their future agent, &c. These clubbists of Washington, who
from their residence there will be the real society, have undertaken to embody
even the government itself into an instrument to be wielded by themselves and
2o8 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
TO MESSRS. RITCHIE AND GOOCH. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, May 13, 1822.
MESSRS. RITCHIE AND GOOCH, — I am thankful to you for the
paper you have been so kind as to send me, containing the ar
raignment of the Presidents of the United States generally, as
peculators or accessories to peculation, by an informer who
masks himself under the signature of "a Native Virginian."
for purposes directed by themselves. Observe that they omit the President's
name, and for reasons too flimsy to be the true ones. No doubt they have pro
posed it to him, and his prudence has refused his name. And shall we suffer
ourselves to be constituted into tools by such an authority ? Who, after this
example, may not impress us into their purposes ? Feeling that the association
is unnecessary, presumptuous & of dangerous example, my present impression is
to decline membership, to give my reasons for it, in terms of respect, but with
frankness, but as the answer is not pressing, I suspend it until I can hear from
you in the hope you will exchange thoughts with me, that I may shape my an
swer as much in conformity with yours as coincidence in our views of the subject
may admit : and I will pray to hear from you by the first mail. Ever & affec
tionately yours.
He also wrote to Monroe :
MONTICELLO, Mar. 19. 22.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of Mar. 14. has been duly received. In that you ask
if my letter to Mr. Morse may be communicated to the gentlemen of the admin
istration and other friends. In the first place the former are entitled to it's
communication from Mr. Morse as named members of his society. But inde-
pendantly of that, a letter addressed to a society of 6. or 8000 people is de facto
made public. I had supposed it possible indeed that the society or some of it's
members might perhaps publish it as the only practicable means of communicat
ing it to so extensive an association. This would be best, because Mr. Morse
might otherwise consider it as done by myself, and that it was a gauntlet thrown
down to challenge him into the Arena of the public papers ; and should he take
it up, I should certainly prove a recreant knight, and never meet him in that
field. But do in this whatever you please. I abandon the letter to any good it
may answer. With respect to Spanish America I think you have taken the exact
point of time for recognizing it's independance, neither sooner nor later. I give
whatever credit they merit to those who are glorifying themselves on their pre
mature advice to have done it 3. or 4. years ago. We have preserved the appro
bation of nations, and yet taken the station we were entitled to of being the first
to receive & welcome them as brothers into the family of nations. Affectionate
& respectful salutations.
1 82 2] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 209
What relates to myself in this paper, (being his No. VI., and the
only No. I have seen,) I had before read in the " Federal Repub
lican " of Baltimore, of August 28th, which was sent to me by a
friend, with the real name of the author. It was published there
during the ferment of a warmly-contested election. I considered
it, therefore, as an electioneering manoeuvre merely, and did not
even think it required the trouble of recollecting, after a lapse
of thirty-three years, the circumstances of the case in which he
charges me with having purloined from the treasury of the United
States the sum of $1,148. But as he has thought it worth repeat
ing in his Roll of informations against your Presidents nominally,
I shall give the truths of the case, which he has omitted, perhaps
because he did not know them, and ventured too inconsiderately
to supply them from his own conjectures.
On the return from my mission to France, and joining the
government here, in the spring of 1790, I had a long and heavy
account to settle with the United States, of the administration of
their pecuniary affairs in Europe, of which the superintendence
had been confided to me while there. I gave in my account early,
but the pressure of other business did not permit the accounting
officers to attend to it till October xoth, 1792, when we settled,
and a balance of $888 67 appearing to be due from me, (but erro
neously as will be shown,) I paid the money the same day, deliv
ered up my vouchers, and received a certificate of it. But still
the articles of my draughts on the bankers could be only provision
ally past ; until their accounts also should be received to be con
fronted with mine. And it was not till the 24th of June, 1804,
that I received a letter from Mr. Richard Harrison the auditor,
informing me " that my accounts, as Minister to France, had been
adjusted and closed," adding, " the bill drawn and credited by you
under date of the 2ist of October, 1789, for banco florins 2,800,
having never yet appeared in any account of the Dutch bankers,
stand at your debit only as a provisional charge. If it should
hereafter turn out, as I incline to think it will, that this bill has
never been negotiated or used by Mr. Grand, you will have a just
claim on the public for its value." This was the first intimation
to me that I had too hastily charged myself with that draught. I
determined, however, as I had allowed it in my account, and paid
VOL. X. — 14
210 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
up the balance it had produced against me, to let it remain awhile,
as there was a possibility that the draught might still be presented
by the holder to the bankers ; and so it remained till I was near
leaving Washington, on my final retirement from the administra
tion in 1809. I then received from the auditor, Mr. Harrison,
the following note : " Mr. Jefferson, in his accounts as late Minis
ter to France, credited among other sums, a bill drawn by him
on the 2ist October, 1789, to the order of Grand & Co., on the
bankers of the United States at Amsterdam, f. Banco f. 2,800,
equal with agio to current florins 2,870, and which was charged to
him provisionally in the official statement made at the Treasury, in
the month of October, 1804. But as this bill has not yet been
noticed in any account rendered by the bankers, the presumption
is strong that it was never negotiated or presented for payment,
and Mr. Jefferson, therefore, appears justly entitled to receive the
value of it, which, at forty cents the gilder, (the rate at which it
was estimated in the above-mentioned statement,) amounts to
$1,148. Auditor's office, January 24th, 1809."
Desirous of leaving nothing unsettled behind me, I drew the
money from the treasury, but without any interest, although I had
let it lie there twenty years, and had actually on that error paid
$888 67, an apparent balance against me, when the true balance
was in my favor $259 33. The question then is, how has this
happened ? I have examined minutely, and can state it clearly.
Turning to my pocket diary I find that on the 2ist day of Oc
tober, 1789, the date of this bill, I was at Cowes in England, on
my return to the United States. The entry in my diary is in
these words : " 1789, October 2ist. Sent to Grand & Co., letter
of credit on Willinks, Van Staphorsts and Hubbard, for 2,800
florins Banco." And I immediately credited it in my account
with the United States in the following words : " 1789, October
21. By my bill on Willinks, Van Staphorsts and Hubbard, in
favor of Grand & Co., for 2,800 florins, equal to 6,230 livres 18
sous." My account having been kept in livres and sous of France,
the auditor settled this sum at the current exchange, making it
$1,148. This bill, drawn at Cowes in England, had to pass
through London to Paris by the English and French mails, in
which passage it was lost, by some unknown accident, to which
1 82 2] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 211
it was the more exposed in the French mail, by the confusion
then prevailing ; for it was exactly at the time that martial law was
proclaimed at Paris, the country all up in arms, and executions by
the mobs were daily perpetrating through town and country.
However this may have been, the bill never got to the hands of
Grand & Co., was never, of course, forwarded by them to the
bankers of Amsterdam, nor anything more ever heard of it. The
auditor's first conjecture then was the true one, that it never was
negotiated, nor therefore charged to the United States in any of
the bankers' accounts. I have now under my eye a duplicate
furnished me by Grand of his account of that date against the
United States, and his private account against myself, and I affirm
that he has not noticed this bill in either of these accounts, and
the auditor assures us the Dutch bankers had never charged it.
The sum of the whole then is, that I drew a bill on the United
States bankers, charged myself with it on the presumption it
would be paid, that it never was paid however, either by the
bankers of the United States, or anybody else. It was surely just
then to return me the money I had paid for it. Yet " the Native
Virginian " thinks that this act of receiving back the money I had
thus through error overpaid, "was a palpable and manifest act of
moral turpitude, about which no two honest ', impartial men can possi
bly differ." I ascribe these hard expressions to the ardor of his
zeal for the public good, and as they contain neither argument nor
proof, I pass them over without observation. Indeed, I have not
been in the habit of noticing these morbid ejections of spleen
either with or without the names of those venting them. But I
have thought it a duty on the present occasion to relieve my fel
low citizens and my country from the degradation in the eyes of
the world to which this informer is endeavoring to reduce it by
representing it as governed hitherto by a succession of swindlers
and peculators. Nor shall I notice any further endeavors to prove
or to palliate this palpable misinformation. I am too old and inert
to undertake minute investigations of intricate transactions of the
last century ; and I am not afraid to trust to the justice and good
sense of my fellow-citizens on future, as on former attempts to
lessen me in their esteem.
I ask of you, gentlemen, the insertion of this letter in your pa-
212 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
per ; and I trust that the printers who have hazarded the publica
tion of the libel, on anonymous authority, will think that of the
answer a moderate retribution of the wrong to which they have
been accessory.1
1 Once more Jefferson wrote to Ritchie and Gooch :
MONTICELLO, June 10, 1822.
MESSRS. RITCHIE AND GOOCH, — In my letter to you of May isth, in answer
to a charge by a person signing himself " A Native Virginian," that on a bill
drawn by me for a sum equivalent to $i, 148, the treasury of the United States
had made double payment, I supposed I had done as much as would be required
when I showed they had only returned to me money which I had previously paid
into the treasury on the presumption that such a bill had been paid for me, but
that this bill being lost or destroyed on the way, had never been presented, con
sequently never paid by the United States, and that the money was therefore
returned to me. This being too plain for controversy, the pseudo Native of
Virginia, in his reply, No. 32, in the Federal Republican of May 24th, reduces
himself ultimately to the ground of a double receipt Q{ the money by me, first on
sale or negotiation of the bill in Europe, and a second time from the treasury.
But the bill was never sold or negotiated anywhere. It was not drawn to raise
money in the market. I sold it to nobody, received no money on it, but en
closed it to Grand & Co. for some purpose of account, for what particular pur
pose neither my memory, after a lapse of thirty-three years, nor my papers
enable me to say. Had I preserved a copy of my letter to Grand enclosing the
bill, that would doubtless have explained the purpose. But it was drawn on the
eve of my embarkation with my family from Cowes for America, and probably
the hurry of preparation for that did not allow me time to take a copy. I pre
sume this because I find no such letter among my papers. Nor does any sub
sequent correspondence with Grand explain it, because I had no private
account with him ; my account as minister being kept with the treasury directly,
so that he, receiving no intimation of this bill, could never give me notice of its
miscarriage. But, however satisfactory might have been an explanation of the
purpose of the bill, it is unnecessary at least ; the material fact being established
that it never got to hand, nor was ever paid by the United States.
And how does the Native Virginian maintain his charge that I received the
cash when I drew the bill ? by unceremoniously inserting into the entry of that
article in my account, words of his own, making me say in direct terms that I
did receive the cash for the bill. In my account rendered to the treasury, it is
entered in these words : " 1789, Oct. I. By my bill on Willincks, Van Staphorsts
& Hubbard in favor of Grand & Co. for 2,800 florins, equal to 6,230 livres 18
sous ; " but he quotes it as stated in my account rendered to and settled at the
treasury, and yet remaining, as it is to be presumed, among the archives of that
department, " By cash received of Grand for bill on Willincks, &c." Now the
words " cash received of Grand" constitute "the very point, the pivot, on
1 82 2] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 213
TO JOHN ADAMS. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June i, 1822.
It is very long, my dear Sir, since I have written
to you. My dislocated wrist is now become so stiff
that I write slow and with pain, and therefore write
as little as I can. Yet it is due to mutual friendship
to ask once in awhile how we do ? The papers tell
which the matter turns," as himself says, and not finding, he has furnished
them. Although the interpolation of them is sufficiently refuted by the fact
that Grand was, at the time, in France, and myself in England, yet wishing that
conviction of the interpolation should be founded on official document, I wrote
to the auditor, Mr. Harrison, requesting an official certificate of the very words
in which that article stood in my autograph account deposited in the office. I
received yesterday his answer of the 3d, in which he says, " I am unable to fur
nish the extract you require, as the original account rendered by you of your
pecuniary transactions of a public nature in Europe, together with the vouchers
and documents connected with it, were all destroyed in the Register's office in
the memorable conflagration of 1814. With respect, therefore, to the sum of
$1,148 in question, I can only say that, after full and repeated examinations, I
considered you as most righteously and justly entitled to receive it. Otherwise,
it will, I trust, be believed that I could not have consented to the re-payment."
Considering the intimacy which the Native Virginian shows with the treasury
affairs, we might be justified in suspecting that he knew this fact of the de
struction of the original by fire when he ventured to misquote. But certainly
we may call on him to say, and to show, from what original he copied these
words : " cash received from Grand " ? I say, most assuredly, from none, for
none such ever existed. Although the original be lost, which would have con
victed him officially, it 'happens that when I made from my rough draft a fair
copy of my account for the treasury, I took also, with a copying-machine, a
press-copy of every page, which I kept for my own use. It is known that
copies by this well-known machine are taken by impression on damp paper laid
on the face of the written page while fresh, and passed between rollers as cop
per plates are. They must therefore be true fac similies. This press-copy now
lies before me, has been shown to several persons, and will be shown to as many
as wish or are willing to examine it ; and this article of my account is entered
in it in these words : " 1789, Oct. i. By my bill on Willincks, Van Staphorsts
& Hubbard for 2,800 florins, equal to 6,230-livres 18 sous." An inspection of
the account, too, shows that whenever I received cash for a bill, it is uniformly
entered " by cash received of such an one, &c. ; " but where a bill was drawn
to constitute an item of account only, the entry is " by my bill on, &c." Now
to these very words " cash received of Grand," not in my original but interpo-
214 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
us that General Starke is off at the age of 93. Charles
Thomson still lives at about the same age, cheerful,
slender as a grasshopper, and so much without mem
ory that he scarcely recognizes the members of his
household. An intimate friend of his called on him
not long since ; it was difficult to make him recollect
lated by himself, he constantly appeals as~proofs of an acknowledgment under
my own handth&t I received the cash. In proof of this, I must request patience
to read the following quotations from his denunciations as standing in the Fed
eral Republican of May 24 :
Page 2, column 2, 1. 48 to 29 from the bottom, " he [Mr. J.] admits in his
account rendered in 1790 and settled in 1792, that he had received the ' cash'
[placing the word cash between inverted commas to have it marked particularly
as a quotation] that he had received the ' cash ' for the bill in question, and he
does not directly deny it now. Will he, can he, in the face of his own declara
tion in writing to the contrary, publicly say that he did not receive the money
for this bill in Europe ? This is the point on which the whole matter rests, the
pivot on which the arguments turn. If he did receive the money in Europe,
(no matter whether at Cowes or at Paris,) he certainly had no right to receive it
a second time from the public treasury of the United States. This is admitted
I believe on all sides. Now, that he did receive the money in Europe on this
bill, is proved by the acknowledgment of the receiver himself, who credits the
amount in his account as settled at the treasury thus : ' cash received of Grand
for bill on Willincks, Van Staphorsts, 2,876 gilders, 1,148 dollars.'"
Col. 3, 1. 28 to 21 from bottom. " There is a plain difference in the phrase
ology of the account, from which an extract is given by Mr. J. as above, and
that which he rendered to the Treasury. In the former he gives the credit thus,
4 By my bills on Willincks,' &c. In the latter he states, ' By cash received of
Grand for bill on Willincks,' &c." There is a difference, indeed, as he states
it, but it is made solely by his own interpolation.
Col. 3, 1. 8, from bottom. " That Mr. Jefferson should; in the very teeth of
the facts of the evidence before us, and in his own breast, gravely say that he
had paid the money for this bill, and that therefore it was but just to return him
the amount of it, when he had, by his own acknowledgment, sent it to Grand &
Co., and received the money for it, is, I confess, not only matter of utter aston
ishment but regret." I spare myself the qualifications which these paragraphs
may merit, leaving them to be applied by every reader according to the feelings
they may excite in his own breast.
He proceeds : " And now to place this case beyond the reach of cavil or
doubt, and to show most conclusively that he had negotiated this bill in Europe,
and received the cash for it there, and that such was the understanding of the
matter at the treasury in 1809, when he received the money." These are his
1822] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 215
who he was, and, sitting one hour, he told him the
same story four times over. Is this life ?
" With lab'ring step
To tread our former footsteps ? pace the round
Eternal ? — to beat and beat
The beaten track ? to see what we have seen,
To taste the tasted ? o'er our palates to decant
Another vintage ? "
It is at most but the life of a cabbage ; surely not
own words. Col. 4, he brings forward the overwhelming fact " not hitherto
made public but stated from the most creditable and authentic source, that one
of the accounting officers of the treasury suggested in writing the propriety of
taking bond and security from Mr. J., for indemnification of the United States
against any future claim on this bill. But it seems the bond was not taken, and
the government is now liable in law, and in good faith for the payment of this
bill to the rightful owner." How this suggestion of taking bond at the treasury,
so solemnly paraded, is more conclusive proof than his own interpolation, that
the cash -was received, I am so dull as not to perceive ; but I say, that had the
suggestion been made to me, it would have been instantly complied with. But
I deny his law. Were the bill now to be presented to the treasury, the answer
would and should be the same as a merchant would give : " You have held up
this bill three and thirty years without notice ; we have settled in the meantime
with the drawer, and have no effects of his left in our hands. Apply to him for
payment." On his application to me, I should first inquire into the history of
the bill ; where it had been lurking for three and thirty years ? how came he by
it? by interception ? by trover? by assignment from Grand? by purchase? from
whom, when and where ? And according to his answers I should either institute
criminal process against him, or if he showed that all was fair and honest, I
should pay him the money, and look for reimbursement to the quarter appearing
liable. The law deems seven years' absence of a man, without being heard of,
such presumptive evidence of his death, as to distribute his estate, and to allow
his wife to marry again. The Auditor thought that twenty years non-appear
ance of a bill which had been risked through the post-offices of two nations, was
sufficient presumption of its loss. But this self-styled native of Virginia thinks
that the thirty-three years now elapsed are not sufficient. Be it so. If the
accounting officers of the treasury have any uneasiness on that subject, I am
ready to give a bond of indemnification to the United States in any sum the
officers will name, and with the security which themselves shall approve. Will
this satisfy the native Virginian ? or will he now try to pick some other hole in
this transaction, to shield himself from a candid acknowledgment, that in making
up his case, he supplied by gratuitous conjectures, the facts which were not
216 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
worth a wish. When all our faculties have left, or
are leaving us, one by one, sight, hearing, memory,
every avenue of pleasing sensation is closed, and
athumy, debility and malaise left in their places, when
friends of our youth are all gone, and a generation is
risen around us whom we know not, is death an evil ?
When one by one our ties are torn,
And friend from friend is snatched forlorn.
When man is left alone to mourn, ,
Oh ! then how sweet it is to die !
When trembling limbs refuse their weight,
And films slow gathering dim the sight,
When clouds obscure the mental light
'T is nature's kindest boon to die !
I really think so. I have ever dreaded a doting old
age ; and my health has been generally so good, and
is now so good, that I dread it still. The rapid decline
of my strength during the last winter has made me
hope sometimes that I see land. During summer I
enjoy its temperature, but I shudder at the approach
of winter, and wish I could sleep through it with the
Dormouse, and only wake with him in spring, if ever.
They say that Starke could walk about his room. I
am told you walk well and firmly. I can only reach
my garden, and that with sensible fatigue. I ride,
however, daily. But reading is my delight. I should
within his knowledge, and that thus he has sinned against truth in his declara
tions before the public ? Be this as it may, I have so much confidence in the
discernment and candor of my fellow-citizens, as to leave to their judgment, and
dismiss from my own notice any future torture of words or circumstances which
this writer may devise for their deception. Indeed, could such a denunciation,
and on such proof, bereave me of that confidence and consolation, I should,
through the remainder of life, brood over the afflicting belief that I had lived
and labored in vain.
1 822] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 217
wish never to put pen to paper ; and the more because
of the treacherous practice some people have of pub
lishing one's letters without leave. Lord Mansfield
declared it a breach of trust, and punishable at law.
I think it should be a penitentiary felony ; yet you
will have seen that they have drawn me out into the
arena of the newspapers ; although I know it is too
late for me to buckle on the armor of youth, yet my
indignation would not permit me passively to receive
the kick of an ass.
To turn to the news of the day, it seems that the
Cannibals of Europe are going to eating one another
again. A war between Russia and Turkey is like the
battle of the kite and snake. Whichever destroys
the other, leaves a destroyer the less for the world.
This pugnacious humor of mankind seems to be the
law of his nature, one of the obstacles to too great
multiplication provided in the mechanism of the Uni
verse. The cocks of the henyard kill one another
up. Bears, bulls, rams, do the same. And the horse,
in his wild state, kills all the young males, until worn
down with age and war, some vigorous youth kills
him, and takes to himself the Harem of females. I
hope we shall prove how much happier for man the
Quaker policy is, and that the life of the feeder, is
better than that of the fighter ; and it is some con
solation that the desolation by these maniacs of one
part of the earth is the means of improving it in other
parts. Let the latter be our office, and let us milk the
cow, while the Russian holds her by the horns, and
the Turk by the tail. God bless you, and give you
2i8 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
health, strength, and good spirits, and as much of life
eis you think worth having.1
1 In reply to a question from Adams, Jefferson further wrote :
MONTICELLO, June 27, 1822.
DEAR SIR, — Your kind letter of the nth has given me great satisfaction.
For although I could not doubt but that the hand of age was pressing heavily
on you, as on myself, yet we like to know the particulars and the degree of that
pressure. Much reflection, too, has been produced by your suggestion of lend
ing my letter of the ist, to a printer. I have generally great aversion to the in
sertion of my letters in the public papers ; because of my passion for quiet
retirement, and never to be exhibited in scenes on the public stage. Nor am I
unmindful of the precept of Horace, " solver e senescentem, mature sanus
eguum, ne peccet ad extremum ridendus." In the present case, however, I see
a possibility that this might aid in producing the very quiet after which I pant.
I do not know how far you may suffer, as I do, under the persecution of letters,
of which every mail brings a fresh load. They are letters of inquiry, for the
most part, always of good will, sometimes from friends whom I esteem, but
much oftener from persons whose names are unknown to me, but written
kindly and civilly, and to which, therefore, civility requires answers. Perhaps,
the better known failure of your hand in its function of writing, may shield you
in greater degree from this distress, and so far qualify the misfortune of its dis
ability. I happened to turn to my letter-list some time ago, and a curiosity was
excited to count those received in a single year. It was the year before the
last. I found the number to be one thousand two hundred and sixty-seven,
many of them requiring answers of elaborate research, and all to be answered
with due attention and consideration. Take an average of this number for
a week or a day, and I will repeat the question suggested by other considerations
in mine of the ist. Is this life? At best it is but the life of a mill-horse, who
sees no end to his circle but in death. To such a life, that of a cabbage is para
dise. It occurs then, that my condition of existence, truly stated in that letter,
if better known, might check the kind indiscretions which are so heavily oppress
ing the departing hours of life. Such a relief would, to me, be an ineffable
blessing. But yours of the nth, equally interesting and affecting, should
accompany that to which it is an answer. The two, taken together, would excite
a joint interest, and place before our fellow-citizens the present condition of two
ancient servants, who having faithfully performed their forty or fifty campaigns,
stipendiis omnibus expletis, have a reasonable claim to repose from all disturb
ance in the sanctuary of invalids and superannuates. But some device should
be thought of for their getting before the public otherwise than by our own pub
lication. Your printer, perhaps, could frame something plausible. Thom
son's name should be left blank, as his picture, should it meet his eye, might
give him pain. I consign, however, the whole subject to your consideration, to
do in it whatever your own judgment shall approve, and repeat always, with
truth, the assurance of my constant and affectionate friendship and respect.
1822] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 219
TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN WATER HOUSE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 26, 1822.
DEAR SIR, — I have received and read with thankfulness and
pleasure your denunciation of the abuses of tobacco and wine.
Yet, however sound in its principles, I expect it will be but a ser
mon to the wind. You will find it as difficult to inculcate these
sanative precepts on the sensualities of the present day, as to con
vince an Athanasian that there is but one God. I wish success to
both attempts, and am happy to learn from you that the latter, at
least, is making progress, and the more rapidly in proportion as
our Platonizing Christians make more stir and noise about it.
The doctrines of Jesus are simple, and tend all to the happiness
of man.
1. That there is one only God, and he all perfect.
2. That there is a future state of rewards and punishments.
3. That to love God with all thy heart and thy neighbor as thy
self, is the sum of religion. These are the great points on which
he endeavored to reform the religion of the Jews. But compare
with these the demoralizing dogmas of Calvin.
1. That there are three Gods.
2. That good works, or the love of our neighbor, are nothing.
3. That faith is every thing, and the more incomprehensible the
proposition, the more merit in its faith.
4. That reason in religion is of unlawful use.
5. That God, from the beginning, elected certain individuals to
be saved, and certain others to be damned ; and that no crimes of
the former can damn them ; no virtues of the latter save.
Now, which of these is the true and charitable Christian ? He
who believes and acts on the simple doctrines of Jesus ? Or the
impious dogmatists, as Athanasius and Calvin ? Verily I say
these are the false shepherds foretold as to enter not by the door
into the sheepfold, but to climb up some other way. They arc
mere usurpers of the Christian name, teaching a counter-religion
made up of the deliria of crazy imaginations, as foreign from Chris
tianity as is that of Mahomet. Their blasphemies have driven
thinking men into infidelity, who have too hastily rejected the
supposed author himself, with the horrors so falsely imputed to
220 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
him. Had the doctrines of Jesus been preached always as pure as
they came from his lips, the whole civilized world would now have
been Christian. I rejoice that in this blessed country of free in
quiry and belief, which has surrendered its creed and conscience
to neither kings nor priests, the genuine doctrine of one only
God is reviving, and I trust that there is not a young man now
living in the United States who will not die an Unitarian.
But much I fear, that when this great truth shall be re-estab
lished, its votaries will fall into the fatal error of fabricating for
mulas of creed and confessions of faith, the engines which so
soon destroyed the religion of Jesus, and made of Christendom a
mere Aceldama ; that they will give up morals for mysteries, and
Jesus for Plato. How much wiser are the Quakers, who, agree
ing in the fundamental doctrines of the gospel, schismatize about
no mysteries, and, keeping within the pale of common sense, suf
fer no speculative differences of opinion, any more than of feature,
to impair the love of their brethren. Be this the wisdom of Uni
tarians, this the holy mantle which shall cover within its charitable
circumference all who believe in one God, and who love their
neighbor ! I conclude my sermon with sincere assurances of
my friendly esteem and respect.1
1 A second letter to Doctor Waterhouse read :
. MONTICELLO, July 19, 1822.
DEAR SIR, — An anciently dislocated, and now stiffening wrist, makes writing
an operation so slow and painful to me, that I should not so soon have troubled
you with an acknowledgment of your favor of the 8th, but for the request it
contained of my consent to the publication of my letter of June the 26th. No,
my dear Sir, not for the world. Into what a nest of hornets would it thrust my
head ! the genus irritabile vatum, on whom argument is lost, and reason is, by
themselves, disclaimed in matters of religion. Don Quixote undertook to re
dress the bodily wrongs of the world, but the redressment of mental vagaries
would be an enterprise more than Quixotic. I should as soon undertake to
bring the crazy skulls of Bedlam to sound understanding, as inculcate reason
into that of an Athanasian. I am old, and tranquility is now my sumrnum
bonum. Keep me, therefore, from the fire and faggots of Calvin and his victim
Servetus. Happy in the prospect of a restoration of primitive Christianity, I
must leave to younger athletes to encounter and lop off the false branches which
have been engrafted into it by the mythologists of the middle and modern ages.
I am not aware of the peculiar resistance to Unitarianism, which you ascribe to
Pennsylvania. When I lived in Philadelphia, there was a respectable congre-
1822] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 221
TO LEROY AND BAYARD. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, July 5. 22.
MESSRS. LEROY AND BAYARD, — Your favor of June 26. is just
now received. After the delays of my last bond with which I
have been indulged I consider it my bounden duty to obey the call
for the principal whenever required. This delay was at first made
convenient by the great revolution which took place in our circu
lating medium some time past ; and the continuance of low mar
kets since that period has not yet relieved the scarcity of medium
so far as that fixed property can command even the half of what
is it's value in regular times. My own annual income arises from
the culture of tobacco and wheat. These articles, from the in
terior country cannot be got to market till the spring of the year
ensuing their growth, and at that season alone the cultivator can
pay from his produce. Still if the earlier term of 6. months be
necessary for the affairs of the heirs of Mr. Van Staphorst, it
shall be complied with by a sale of fixed property, altho' it will
double the debt. If on the other hand, consistently with their con-
gation of that sect, with a meeting-house and regular service which I attended,
and in which Dr. Priestley officiated to numerous audiences. Baltimore has
one or two churches, and their pastor, author of an inestimable book on this
subject, was elected chaplain to the late Congress. That doctrine has not yet
been preached to us : but the breeze begins to be felt which precedes the
storm ; and fanaticism is all in a bustle, shutting its doors and windows to keep
it out. But it will come, and drive before it the foggy mists of Platonism which
have so long obscured our atmosphere. I am in hopes that some of the dis
ciples of your institution will become missionaries to us, of these doctrines truly
evangelical, and open our eyes to what has been so long hidden from them. A
bold and eloquent preacher would be nowhere listened to with more freedom
than in this State, nor with more firmness of mind. They might need a pre
paratory discourse on the text of " prove all things, hold fast that which
is good," in order to unlearn the lesson that reason is an unlawful guide in reli
gion. They might startle on being first awaked from the dreams of the night,
but they would rub their eyes at once, and look the spectres boldly in the face.
The preacher might be excluded by our hierophants from their churches and
meeting-houses, but would be attended in the fields by whole acres of hearers
and thinkers. Missionaries from Cambridge would soon be greeted with more
welcome, than from the tritheistical school of Andover. Such are my wishes,
such would be my welcomes, warm and cordial as the assurances of my esteem
and respect for you.
222 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
venience, the indulgence can be continued until the ensuing
spring, (say till May) it can then be paid without loss, and shall
certainly be paid. This however is left to your kind considera
tion, and your final determination shall be my law, at any loss
whatever. With the just acknolegement of the past indulgencies,
accept the assurance of my great esteem and respect.1
TO WILLIAM JOHNSON. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Oct: 27. 22.
DEAR SIR, — I have deferred my thanks for the copy of your
Life of Genl. Greene, until I could have time to read it. This
I have done, and with the greatest satisfaction ; and can now more
understandingly express the gratification it has afforded me. I
really rejoice that we have at length a fair history of the Southern
war. It proves how much we were left to defend ourselves as we
could, while the resources of the Union were so disproportionately
devoted to the North. I am glad too to see the Romance of Lee
removed from the shelf of History to that of Fable. Some small
portion of the transactions he relates were within my own knolege ;
and of these I can say he has given more falsehood than fact ;
and I have heard many officers declare the same as to what had
passed under their eyes. Yet this book had begun to be quoted
as history. Greene was truly a great man, he had not perhaps
all the qualities which so peculiarly rendered Genl. Washington
the fittest man on earth for directing so great a contest under so
great difficulties. Difficulties proceeding not from lukewarmness
1 A year later Jefferson wrote :
MONTICELLO, July 8, 23.
MESSRS. LEROY AND BAYARD, — You have reason to believe I am unmind
ful that I ought ere this to have remitted you the amount of my last bond ; but
it is duly in mind altho" delayed. My resources for payment as stated to you
on former occasions, are the produce of my farms. They have usually got to
Richmond in June : but are tardier this year than ever. Calculating the passage
of my tobacco down the river and time for inspection and sale, I shall be able
to remit you one half the amount by the end of this month, and the other half
soon after. I have thought it a duty to remove suspense on the subject. Al
ways acknoleging the kindness of your indulgence I salute you ever with friend
ship and respect.
1822] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 223
in our citizens or their functionaries, as our military leaders sup
posed ; but from the pennyless condition of a people, totally shut
out from all commerce & intercourse with the world, and there
fore without any means for converting their labor into money.
But Greene was second to no one in enterprise, in resource, in
sound judgment, promptitude of decision, and every other military
talent. In addition to the work you have given us, I look forward
with anxiety to that you promise in the last paragraph of your
book. Lee's military fable you have put down. Let not the in
vidious libel on the views of the Republican party, and on their
regeneration of the government go down to posterity as hypocriti
cally masked. I was myself too laboriously employed, while in
office, and too old when I left it, to do justice to those who had
labored so faithfully to arrest our course towards monarchy, and
to secure the result of our revolutionary sufferings and sacrifices
in a government bottomed on the only safe basis, the elective will
of the people. You are young enough for the task, and I hope
you will undertake it.
There is a subject respecting the practice of the court of which
you are a member, which has long weighed on my mind, on which
I have long thought I would write to you, and which I will take
this opportunity of doing. It is in truth a delicate undertaking,
& yet such is my opinion of your candor and devotedness to the
Constitution, in it's true spirit, that I am sure I shall meet your
approbation in unbosoming myself to you. The subject of my
uneasiness is the habitual mode of making up and delivering the
opinions of the supreme court of the US.
You know that from the earliest ages of the English law, from
the date of the year-books, at least, to the end of the lid George,
the judges of England, in all but self-evident cases, delivered
their opinions seriatim, with the reasons and authorities which
governed their decisions. If they sometimes consulted together,
and gave a general opinion, it was so rarely as not to excite
either alarm or notice. Besides the light which their separate
arguments threw on the subject, and the instruction communi
cated by their several modes of reasoning, it shewed whether the
judges were unanimous or divided, and gave accordingly more
or less weight to the judgment as a precedent. It sometimes
224 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
happened too that when there were three opinions against one,
the reasoning of the one was so much the most cogent as to
become afterwards the law of the land. When Ld. Mansfield
came to the bench he introduced the habit of caucusing opinions.
The judges met at their chambers, or elsewhere, secluded from
the presence of the public, and made up what was to be delivered
as the opinion of the court. On the retirement of Mansfield,
Ld. Kenyon put an end to the practice, and the judges returned
to that of seriatim opinions, and practice it habitually to this day,
I believe. I am not acquainted with the late reporters, do not
possess them, and state the fact from the information of others.
To come now to ourselves I know nothing of what is done in
other states, but in this our great and good Mr. Pendleton was,
after the revolution, placed at the head of the court of Appeals.
He adored Ld. Mansfield, & considered him as the greatest
luminary of law that any age had ever produced, and he intro
duced into the court over which he presided, Mansfield's prac
tice of making up opinions in secret & delivering them as the
Oracles of the court, in mass. Judge Roane, when he came to
that bench, broke up the practice, refused to hatch judgments, in
Conclave, or to let others deliver opinions for him. At what
time the seriatim opinions ceased in the supreme Court of the
US., I am not informed. They continued I know to the end of
the 3d Dallas in 1800. Later than which I have no Reporter
of that court. About that time the present C. J. came to the
bench. Whether he carried the practice of Mr. Pendleton to it,
or who, or when I do not know ; but I understand from others
it is now the habit of the court, & I suppose it true from the
cases sometimes reported in the newspapers, and others which
I casually see, wherein I observe that the opinions were uniformly
prepared in private. Some of these cases too have been of such
importance, of such difficulty, and the decisions so grating to a
portion of the public as to have merited the fullest explanation
from every judge seriatim, of the reasons which had produced
such convictions on his mind. It was interesting to the public
to know whether these decisions were really unanimous, or might
not perhaps be of 4. against 3. and consequently prevailing by
the preponderance of one voice only. The Judges holding their
1822] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 225
offices for life are under two responsibilities only. i. Impeach
ment. 2. Individual reputation. But this practice compleatly
withdraws them from both. For nobody knows what opinion
any individual member gave in any case, nor even that he who
delivers the opinion, concurred in it himself. Be the opinion
therefore ever so impeachable, having been done in the dark it
can be proved on no one. As to the 2d guarantee, personal
reputation, it is shielded compleatly. The practice is certainly
convenient for the lazy, the modest & the incompetent. It saves
them the trouble of developing their opinion methodically and
even of making up an opinion at all. That of seriatim argument
shews whether every judge has taken the trouble of understand
ing the case, of investigating it minutely, and of forming an
opinion for himself, instead of pinning it on another's sleeve. It
would certainly be right to abandon this practice in order to give
to our citizens one and all, that confidence in their judges which
must be so desirable to the judges themselves, and so important
to the cement of the union. During the administration of Genl.
Washington, and while E. Randolph was Attorney General, he
was required by Congress to digest the judiciary laws into a
single one, with such amendments as might be thought proper.
He prepared a section requiring the Judges to give their opinions
seriatim, in writing, to be recorded in a distinct volume. Other
business prevented this bill from being taken up, and it passed
off, but such a volume would have been the best possible book
of reports, and the better, as unincumbered with the hired soph
isms and perversions of Counsel.
What do you think of the state of parties at this time ? An
opinion prevails that there is no longer any distinction, that the
republicans & Federalists are compleatly amalgamated but it is
not so. The amalgamation is of name only, not of principle.
All indeed call themselves by the name of Republicans, because
that of Federalists was extinguished in the battle of New Orleans.
But the truth is that finding that monarchy is a desperate wish in
this country, they rally to the point which they think next best, a
consolidated government. Their aim is now therefore to break
down the rights reserved by the constitution to the states as a
bulwark against that consolidation, the fear of which produced
VOL. X.— 15
226 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
the whole of the opposition to the constitution at it's birth.
Hence new Republicans in Congress, preaching the doctrines of
the old Federalists, and the new nick-names of Ultras and Radi
cals. But I trust they will fail under the new, as the old name,
and that the friends of the real constitution and union will
prevail against consolidation, as they have done against mon-
archism. I scarcely know myself which is most to be deprecated,
a consolidation, or dissolution of the states. The horrors of
both are beyond the reach of human foresight.
I have written you a long letter, and committed to you thoughts
which I would do to few others. If I am right, you will approve
them ; if wrong, commiserate them as the dreams of a Superan
nuate about things from which he is to derive neither good nor
harm. But you will still receive them as a proof of my confidence
in the rectitude of your mind and principles, of which I pray you
to receive entire assurance with that of my continued and great
friendship and respect.1
1 Jefferson further wrote to Johnson on this subject :
MONTICELLO, June 12, 1823.
DEAR SIR, — Our correspondence is of that accommodating character, which
admits of suspension at the convenience of either party, without inconvenience
to the other. Hence this tardy acknowledgment of your favor of April the nth.
I learn from that with great pleasure, that you have resolved on continuing your
history of parties. Our opponents are far ahead of us in preparations for placing
their cause favorably before posterity. Yet I hope even from some of them the
escape of precious truths, in angry explosions or effusions of vanity, which will
betray the genuine monarchism of their principles. They do not themselves
believe what they endeavor to inculcate, that we were an opposition party, not
on principle, but merely seeking for office. The fact is, that at the formation
of our government, many had formed their political opinions on European
writings and practices, believing the experience of old countries, and especially
of England, abusive as it was, to be a safer guide than mere theory. The doc
trines of Europe were, that men in numerous associations cannot be restrained
within the limits of order and justice, but by forces physical and moral, wielded
over them by authorities independent of their will. Hence their organization
of kings, hereditary nobles, and priests. Still further to constrain the brute
force of the people, they deem it necessary to keep them down by hard labor,
poverty and ignorance, and to take from them, as from bees, so much of their
earnings, as that unremitting labor shall be necessary to obtain a sufficient sur
plus barely to sustain a scanty and miserable life. And these earnings they
1 822] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 227
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Oct. 28. 22.
I will not, my dear friend, undertake to quote by
their dates the several letters you have written me.
They have been proofs of your continued friendship
to me, and my silence is no evidence of any abatement
of mine to you. That can never be while I have
apply to maintain their privileged orders in splendor and idleness, to fascinate
the eyes of the people, and excite in them an humble adoration and submission,
as to an order of superior beings. Although few among us had gone all these
lengths of opinion, yet many had advanced, some more, some less, on the way.
And in the convention which formed our government, they endeavored to draw
the cords of power as tight as they could obtain them, to lessen the dependence
of the general functionaries on their constituents, to subject to them those of
the States, and to weaken their means of maintaining the steady equilibrium
which the majority of the convention had deemed salutary for both branches,
general and local. To recover, therefore, in practice the powers which the
nation had refused, and to warp to their own wishes those actually given, was
the steady object of the federal party. Ours, on the contrary, was to maintain
the will of the majority of the convention, and of the people themselves. We
believed, with them, that man was a rational animal, endowed by nature with
rights, and with an innate sense of justice ; and that he could be restrained from
wrong and protected in right, by moderate powers, confided to persons of his
own choice, and held to their duties by dependence on his own will. We be
lieved that the complicated organization of kings, nobles, and priests, was not
the wisest nor best to effect the happiness of associated man ; that wisdom and
virtue were not hereditary ; that the trappings of such a machinery, consumed by
their expense, those earnings of industry, they were meant to protect, and, by
the inequalities they produced, exposed liberty to sufferance. We believed that
men, enjoying in ease and security the full fruits of their own industry, enlisted
by all their interests on the side of law and order, habituated to think for them
selves, and to follow their reason as their guide, would be more easily and safely
governed, than with minds nourished in error, and vitiated and debased, as in
Europe, by ignorance, indigence and oppression. The cherishment of the
people then was our principle, the fear and distrust of them, that of the other
party. Composed, as we were, of the landed and laboring interests of the
country, we could not be less anxious for a government of law and order than
were the inhabitants of the cities, the strongholds of federalism. And whether
our efforts to save the principles and form of our constitution have not been
salutary, let the present republican freedom, order and prosperity of our country
228 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
breath and recollections so dear to me. Among the
few survivors of our revolutionary struggles, you are as
distinguished in my affections, as in the eyes of the
world, & especially in those of this country. You
are now, I believe, the Doyen of our military heroes,
determine. History may distort truth, and will distort it for a time, by the su
perior efforts at justification of those who are conscious of needing it most. Nor
will the opening scenes of our present government be seen in their true aspect,
until the letters of the day, now held in private hoards, shall be broken up and
laid open to public view. What a treasure will be found in General Washing
ton's cabinet, when it shall pass into the hands of as candid a friend to truth as
he was himself ! When no longer, like Caesar's notes and memorandums in the
hands of Anthony, it shall be open to the high priests of federalism only, and
garbled to say so much, and no more, as suits their views !
With respect to his farewell address, to the authorship of which, it seems,
there are conflicting claims, I can state to you some facts. He had determined
to decline re-election at the end of his first term, and so far determined, that he
had requested Mr. Madison to prepare for him something valedictory, to be ad
dressed to his constituents on his retirement. This was done, but he was finally
persuaded to acquiesce in a second election, to which no one more strenuously
pressed him than myself, from a conviction of the importance of strengthening,
by longer habit, the respect necessary for that office, which the weight of his
character only could effect. When, at the end of his second term, his Valedic
tory came out, Mr. Madison recognized in it several passages of his draught,
several others, we were both satisfied, were from the pen of Hamilton, and
others from that of the President himself. These he probably put into the hands
of Hamilton to form into a whole, and hence it may all appear in Hamilton's
hand-writing, as if it were all of his composition.
I have stated above, that the original objects of the federalists were, 1st, to
warp our government more to the form and principles of monarchy, and, 2d,
to weaken the barriers of the State governments as codrdinate powers. In the
first they have been so completely foiled by the universal spirit of the nation,
that they have abandoned the enterprise, shrunk from the odium of their old
appellation, taken to themselves a participation of ours, and under the pseudo-
republican mask, are now aiming at their second object, and strengthened by
unsuspecting or apostate recruits from our ranks, are advancing fast towards an
ascendancy. I have been blamed for saying, that a prevalence of the doctrines
of consolidation would one day call for reformation or revolution. I answer by
asking if a single State of the Union would have agreed to the constitution, had
it given all powers to the General Government ? If the whole opposition to it
did not proceed from the jealousy and fear of every State, of being subjected to
the other States in matters merely its own ? And if there is any reason to
1 82 2] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 229
& may I not say of the soldiers of liberty in the
world ? We differ in this. My race is run ; while
you have three good lustres yet to reach my time ;
& these may give you much to do. Weighed down
believe the States more disposed now than then, to acquiesce in this general
surrender of all their rights and powers to a consolidated government, one and
undivided?
You request me confidentially, to examine the question, whether the Supreme
Court has advanced beyond its constitutional limits, and trespassed on those of
the State authorities ? I do not undertake it, my dear Sir, because I am unable.
Age and the wane of mind consequent on it, have disqualified me from investi
gations so severe, and researches so laborious. And it is the less necessary in
this case, as having been already done by others with a logic and learning to
which I could add nothing. On the decision of the case of Cohens vs. The
State of Virginia, in the Supreme Court of the United States, in March, 1821,
Judge Roane, under the signature of Algernon Sidney, wrote for the Enquirer
a series of papers on the law of that case. I considered these papers maturely
as they came out, and confess that they appeared to me to pulverize every word
which had been delivered by Judge Marshall, of the extra-judicial part of
his opinion ; and all was extra-judicial, except the decision that the act of Con
gress had not purported to give to the corporation of Washington the authority
claimed by their lottery law, of controlling the laws of the States within the
States themselves. But unable to claim that case, he could not let it go
entirely, but went on gratuitously to prove, that notwithstanding the eleventh
amendment of the constitution, a State could be brought as a defendant,
to the bar of his court ; and again, that Congress might authorize a corpora
tion of its territory to exercise legislation within a State, and paramount
to the laws of that State. I cite the sum and result only of his doctrines, accord
ing to the impression made on my mind at the time, and still remaining. If
not strictly accurate in circumstance, it is so in substance. This doctrine was
so completely refuted by Roane, that if he can be answered, I surrender human
reason as a vain and useless faculty, given to bewilder, and not to guide us.
And I mention this particular case as one only of several, because it gave occa
sion to that thorough examination of the constitutional limits between the Gen
eral and State jurisdictions, which you have asked for. There were two other
writers in the same paper, under the signatures of Fletcher of Saltoun, and
Somers, who, in a few essays, presented some very luminous and striking views
of the question. And there was a particular paper which recapitulated all the
cases in which it was thought the federal court had usurped on the State juris
dictions. These essays will be found in the Enquirers of 1821, from May the
loth to July the I3th. It is not in my present power to send them to you, but
if Ritchie can furnish them, I will procure and forward them. If they had
230 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
with years, I am still more disabled from writing by
a wrist & fingers almost without joints. This has
obliged me to withdraw from all correspondence that
is not indispensable. I have written, for a long time,
been read in the other States, as they were here, I think they would have left,
there as here, no dissentients from their doctrine. The subject was taken up
by our legislature of i82i-'22, and two draughts of remonstrances were pre
pared and discussed. As well as I remember, there was no difference of opinion
as to the matter of right ; but there was as to the expediency of a remonstrance
at that time, the general mind of the States being then under extraordinary ex
citement by the Missouri question ; and it was dropped on that consideration.
But this case is not dead, it only sleepeth. The Indian Chief said he did not
go to war for every petty injury by itself, but put it into his pouch, and when
that was full, he then made war. Thank Heaven, we have provided a more
peaceable and rational mode of redress.
This practice of Judge Marshall, of travelling out of his case to prescribe what
the law would be in a moot case not before the court, is very irregular and very
censurable. I recollect another instance, and the more particularly, perhaps,
because it in some measure bore on myself. Among the midnight appointments
of Mr. Adams, were commissions to some federal justices of the peace for
Alexandria. These were signed and sealed by him, but not delivered. I found
them on the table of the department of State, on my entrance into office, and I
forbade their delivery. Marbury, named in one of them, applied to the Supreme
Court for a mandamus to the Secretary of State, (Mr. Madison) to deliver the
commission intended for him. The court determined at once, that being an
original process, they had no cognizance of it ; and therefore the question
before them was ended. But the Chief Justice went on to lay down what the
law would be, had they jurisdiction of the case, to wit : that they should com
mand the delivery. The object was clearly to instruct any other court having
the jurisdiction, what they should do if Marbury should apply to them. Besides
the impropriety of this gratuitous interference, could anything exceed the per
version of law ? For if there is any principle of law never yet contradicted,
it is that delivery is one of the essentials to the validity of the deed. Although
signed and sealed, yet as long as it remains in the hands of the party himself, it
is in fieri only, it is not a deed, and can be made so only by its delivery. In
the hands of a third person it may be made an escrow. But whatever is in the
executive offices is certainly deemed to be in the hands of the President ; and in
this case, was actually in my hands, because, when I countermanded them,
there was as yet no Secretary of State. Yet this case of Marbury and Madison
is continually cited by bench and bar, as if it were settled law, without any
animadversion on its being merely an obiter dissertation of the Chief Justice.
It may be impracticable to lay down any general formula of words which
1822] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 231
to none of my foreign friends, because I am really
unable to do it. I owe them therefore apologies, or
rather truths. Will you be my advocate with those
shall decide at once, and with precision, in every case, this limit of jurisdiction.
But there are two canons which will guide us safely in most of the cases. 1st.
The capital and leading object of the constitution was to leave with the States
all authorities which respected their own citizens only, and to transfer to the
United States those which respected citizens of foreign or other States : to make
us several as to ourselves, but one as to all others. In the latter case, then,
constructions should lean to the general jurisdiction, if the words will bear it ;
and in favor of the States in the former, if possible to be so construed. And
indeed, between citizens and citizens of the same State, and under their own
laws, I know but a single case in which a jurisdiction is given to the General
Government. That is, where anything but gold or silver is made a lawful ten
der, or the obligation of contracts is any otherwise impaired. The separate
legislatures had so often abused that power, that the citizens themselves chose
to trust it to the general, rather than to their own special authorities. 2d. On
every question of construction, carry ourselves back to the time when the con
stitution was adopted, recollect the spirit manifested in the debates, and instead
of trying what meaning may be squeezed out of the text, or invented against it,
conform to the probable one in which it was passed. Let us try Cohen's case
by these canons only, referring always, however, for full argument, to the essays
before cited.
1. It was between a citizen and his own State, and under a law of his State.
It was a domestic case, therefore, and not a foreign one.
2. Can it be believed, that under the jealousies prevailing against the Gen
eral Government, at the adoption of the constitution, the States meant to sur
render the authority of preserving order, of enforcing moral duties and restraining
vice, within their own territory ? And this is the present case, that of Cohen
being under the ancient and general law of gaming. Can any good be effected
by taking from the States the moral rule of their citizens, and subordinating it
to the general authority, or to one of their corporations, which may justify forc
ing the meaning of words, hunting after possible constructions, and hanging
inference on inference, from heaven to earth, like Jacob's ladder? Such an in
tention was impossible, and such a licentiousness of construction and inference,
if exercised by both governments, as may be done with equal right, would
equally authorize both to claim all power, general and particular, and break up
the foundations of the Union. Laws are made for men of ordinary under
standing, and should, therefore, be construed by the ordinary rules of common
sense. Their meaning is not to be sought for in metaphysical subtleties, which
may make anything mean everything or nothing, at pleasure. It should be left
to the sophisms of advocates, whose trade it is, to prove that a defendant is a
232 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
who complain and especially with Mr. Tracy, who I
hope is in the recovery of health, & enabled to con
tinue his invaluable labors.
plaintiff, though dragged into court, torto collo, like Bonaparte's volunteers,
into the field in chains, or that a power has been given, because it ought to
have been given, et alia talia. The States supposed that by their tenth amend
ment, they had secured themselves against constructive powers. They were not
lessoned yet by Cohen's case, nor aware of the slipperiness of the eels of the
law. I ask for no straining of words against the General Government, nor yet
against the States. I believe the States can best govern our home concerns,
and the General Government our foreign ones. I wish, therefore, to see main
tained that wholesome distribution of powers established by the constitution for
the limitation of both ; and never to see all offices transferred to Washington,
where, further withdrawn from the eyes of the people, they may more secretly
be bought and sold as at market.
But the Chief Justice says, " there must be an ultimate arbiter somewhere."
True, there must ; but does that prove it is either party? The ultimate arbiter
is the people of the Union, assembled by their deputies in convention, at the
call of Congress, or of two-thirds of the States. Let them decide to which they
mean to give an authority claimed by two of their organs. And it has been the
peculiar wisdom and felicity of our constitution, to have provided this peaceable
appeal, where that of other nations is at once to force.
I rejoice in the example you set of seriatim opinions. I have heard it often
noticed, and always with high approbation. Some of your brethren will be
encouraged to follow it occasionally, and in time, it may be felt by all as a duty,
and the sound practice of the primitive court be again restored. Why should
not every judge be asked his opinion, and give it from the bench, if only by yea
or nay ? Besides ascertaining the fact of his opinion, which the public have a
right to know, in order to judge whether it is impeachable or not, it would show
whether the opinions were unanimous or not, and thus settle more exactly the
weight of their authority.
The close of my second sheet warns me that it is time now to relieve you from
this letter of unmerciful length. Indeed, I wonder how I have accomplished it,
with two crippled wrists, the one scarcely able to move my pen, the other to
hold my paper. But I am hurried sometimes beyond the sense of pain, when
unbosoming myself to friends who harmonize with me in principle. You and I
may differ occasionally in details of minor consequence, as no two minds, more
than two faces, are the same in every feature. But our general objects are the
same, to preserve the republican form and principles of our constitution and
cleave to the salutary distribution of powers which that has established. These
are the two sheet anchors of our Union. If driven from either, we shall be in
danger of foundering. To my prayers for its safety and perpetuity, I add those
for the continuation of your health, happiness, and usefulness to your country.
1822] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 233
On the affairs of your hemisphere I have two
reasons for saying little. The one that I know little
of them. The other that, having thought alike thro'
our lives, my sentiments, if intercepted, might be im
puted to you, as reflections of your own. I will
hazard therefore but the single expression of assur
ance that this general insurrection of the world against
it's tyrants will ultimately prevail by pointing the ob
ject of government to the happiness of the people
and not merely to that of their self-constituted gov
ernors. On our affairs little can be expected from an
Octogenary, retired within the recesses of the moun
tains, going nowhere, seeing nobody but his own
house, & reading a single newspaper only, & that
chiefly for the sake of the advertisements. I dare
say you see & read as many of them as I do. You
will have seen how prematurely they have begun to
agitate us with the next presidential election. Many
candidates are named : but they will be reduced to
two, Adams & Crawford. Party principles, as hereto
fore will have their weight, but the papers tell you
there are no parties now, republicans and federalists
forsooth are all amalgamated. This, my friend, is not
so. The same parties exist now which existed before.
But the name of Federalist was extinguished in the
battle of New Orleans ; and those who wore it now
call themselves republicans. Like the fox pursued
by the dogs, they take shelter in the midst of the
sheep. They see that monarchism is a hopeless wish
in this country, and are rallying anew to the next best
point a consolidated government. They are there-
234 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
fore endeavouring to break down the barriers of the
state rights, provided by the constitution against a
consolidation. Hence you will see in the debates of
Congress these new republicans maintaining the most
ultra doctrines of the old federalists. This new meta
morphosis is the only clue which will enable you to
understand these strange appearances. They will be
come more prominent in the ensuing discussions.
One candidate is supposed to be a consolidationist,
the other a republican of the old school, a friend to
the constitutional organization of the government,
and believing that the strength of the members can
alone give real strength to the body. And this is
the sentiment of the nation, and will probably prevail
if the principle of the Missouri question should not
mingle itself with those of the election. Should it do
so, all will be uncertain. This uncertainty however
gives me no uneasiness. Both are able men, both
honest men, and whatever be the bias, the good sense
of our people will direct the boat ultimately to it's
proper point.
I learn with great pleasure that you enjoy good
health. Mine is also good altho' I am very weak. I
cannot walk further than my garden without fatigue.
But I am still able to ride on horseback, and it is my
only exercise. That your life may be continued in
health and happiness to the term of your own wishes
is the fervent prayer of your constant and affectionate
friend.
1822] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 235
TO ALBERT GALLATIN. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, October 29, 1822.
DEAR SIR, — After a long silence, I salute you with affection.
The weight of eighty years pressing heavily upon me, with a wrist
and fingers almost without joints, I write as little as possible,
because I do it with pain and labor. I retain, however, still the
same affection for my friends, and especially for my ancient col
leagues, which I ever did, and the same wishes for their happiness.
Your treaty has been received here with universal gladness. It
was indeed a strange quarrel, like that of two pouting lovers, and
a pimp filching both ; it was nuts for England. When I liken
them to lovers, I speak of the people, not of their governments.
Of the cordial love of one of these the Holy Alliance may know
more than I do. I will confine myself to our own affairs. You
have seen in our papers how prematurely they are agitating the
question of the next President. This proceeds from some un
easiness at the present state of things. There is considerable
dissatisfaction with the increase of the public expenses, and
especially with the necessity of borrowing money in time of
peace. This was much arraigned at the last session of Congress,
and will be more so at the next. The misfortune is that the
persons most looked to as successors in the government are of the
President's Cabinet ; and their partisans in Congress are making
a handle of these things to help, or hurt those for or against
whom they are. The candidates, ins and outs, seem at present
to be many ; but they will be reduced to two, a Northern and
Southern one, as usual ; to judge of the event the state of parties
must be understood. You are told, indeed, that there are no
longer parties among us ; that they are all now amalgamated ; the
lion and the lamb lie down together in peace. Do not believe a
word of it. The same parties exist now as ever did. No longer,
indeed, under the name of Republicans and Federalists. The
latter name was extinguished in the battle of Orleans. Those
who wore it, finding monarchism a desperate wish in this country,
are rallying to what they deem the next best point, a consolidated
government. Although this is not yet avowed (as that of mon
archism, you know, never was), it exists decidedly, and is the true
236 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
key to the debates in Congress, wherein you see many calling
themselves Republicans and preaching the rankest doctrines of
the old Federalists. One of the prominent candidates is pre
sumed to be of this party ; and the other a Republican of the old
school and a friend of the barrier of States rights, as provided by
the Constitution against the danger of consolidation, which dan
ger was the principal ground of opposition to it at its birth.
Pennsylvania and New York will decide this question. If the
Missouri principle mixes itself in the question, it will go one way ;
if not it may go the other. Among the smaller motives, heredi
tary fears may alarm one side, and the long line of local nativities
on the other. In this division of parties the judges are true to
their ancient vocation of sappers and miners.
Our University of Virginia, my present hobby, has been at a
stand for a twelve-month past for want of funds. Our last
Legislature refused anything. The late elections give better
hopes of the next. The institution is so far advanced that it
will force itself through. So little is now wanting that the first
liberal Legislature will give it its last lift. The buildings are in a
style of purely classical architecture, and, although not yet fin
ished, are become an object of visit to all strangers. Our inten
tion is that its professors shall be of the first order in their
respective lines which can be procured on either side of the
Atlantic. Sameness of language will probably direct our applica
tions chiefly to Edinburgh.
I place some letters under the protection of your cover. You
will be so good as to judge whether that address to Lodi will
go more safely through the public mail or by any of the diplo
matic couriers, liable to the curiosity and carelessness of public
officers. Accept the assurances of my constant and affectionate
friendship and respect.
TO HENRY DEARBORN.1
(U. S. MINISTER TO PORTUGAL.)
MONTICELLO, Oct. 31. 22.
DEAR SIR, — Your letter of Aug. 31, dated so soon after your de
parture gave me hopes that the sufferings at sea of Mrs. Dearborn
1 From a copy courteously furnished by Dr. J. S. H. Fogg of Boston.
1822] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 237
and yourself, if any, had been short. I hope you will both find
Lisbon a pleasant residence. I have heard so much of it's climate
that I suppose that alone will go far towards making it so ; and
should the want of the language of the country lessen the enjoy
ment of it's society, this will be considerably supplied by the
numbers you will find there who speak your own language. Take
into the account also that you will escape the two years agitation
just commencing with us. Even before you had left us our news
papers had already begun to excite the question of the next
president. They are advancing fast into it. Many candidates
are named, but they will settle down, as is believed, to Adams
and Crawford. If the Missouri principle should mingle itself
with the party divisions the result will be very doubtful. For
altho' it is pretended there are no longer any parties among us,
that all are amalgamated, yet the fact is that the same parties
exist now that ever existed, not indeed under the old names of
Republicans and Federalists. The Hartford Convention and
battle of New Orleans extinguished the latter name. All now
call themselves republicans, as the fox when pursued by dogs
takes shelter in the midst of the sheep. Finding monarchy
desperate here, they rally to their next hope, a consolidated
government, and altho' they do not avow it (as they never
did monarchism) yet it is manifestly their next object.
Hence you see so many of these new republicans maintaining
in Congress the rankest doctrines of the old federalists. The
judges aid in their old way as sappers and miners. One of the
candidates is supposed to be a Consolidationist, the other for
maintaining the banner of state rights as provided by the constitu
tion against the fear of Consolidation.
Our Virginia University is now my sole occupation. It is
within sight of Monticello, and the buildings nearly finished, and
we shall endeavor, by the best Professors either side of the
Atlantic can furnish to make it worthy of the public notice.
Strange as the idea may seem, I sincerely think that the promi
nent characters of the country where you are could not better
prepare their sons for the duties they will have to perform in their
new government than by sending them here where they might
become familiarised with the habits and practice of self-govern-
238 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
ment. This lesson is scarcely to be acquired but in this country,
and yet without it, the political vessel is all sail and no ballast.
I have a friend, of Portugal, in whose welfare I feel great
interest, but whether now there, or where, I know not. It is the
Abbe1 Correa who past some years in the U. S. and was a part
of the time the Minister of Portugal at Washington. He left it
under an appointment to the cabinet-council of Rio Janeiro,
taking his passage thither by the way of England. While at
London or Paris he would have heard that the King and court
had returned to Lisbon ; and what he did next is unknown here.
He writes to none of his friends, & yet there is no one on whose
behalf his friends feel a more lively solicitude, or wish more to
hear of or from. If at Lisbon, and it should ever fall in your way
to render him a service or kindness, I should consider it as more
than if done to myself. If things go unfavorably to him there,
he would be received with joy into our University, and would
certainly find it a comfortable and lucrative retirement. Should
he be in Lisbon, be so good as to say so to him. Say to Mrs.
Dearborn also, how much she possesses the affection and respect
of the whole family at Monticello, and accept for yourself the
assurance of my constant friendship & respect.
TO JOHN ADAMS. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, November i, 1822.
DEAR SIR, — I have racked my memory and ran
sacked my papers, to enable myself to answer the in
quiries of your favor of October i5th; but to little
purpose.1 My papers furnish me nothing, my memory,
1 Adams' letter to Jefferson was as follows :
October 15, 1822.
DEAR SIR, — I have long entertained scruples about writing this letter, upon
a subject of some delicacy. But old age has overcome them at last.
You remember the four ships ordered by Congress to be built, and the four
captains appointed by Washington, Talbot, and Truxton, and Barry, &c., to
carry an ambassador to Algiers, and protect our commerce in the Mediterranean.
1822] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 239
generalities only. I know that while I was in Europe,
and anxious about the fate of our seafaring men, for
some of whom, then in captivity in Algiers, we were
treating, and all were in like danger, I formed, un-
doubtingly, the opinion that our government, as soon
as practicable, should provide a naval force sufficient
to keep the Barbary States in order ; and on this
I have always imputed this measure to you, for several reasons. First, because
you frequently proposed it to me while we were at Paris, negotiating together
for peace with the Barbary powers. Secondly, because I knew that Washington
and Hamilton were not only indifferent about a navy, but averse to it. There
was no Secretary of the Navy; only four Heads of department. You were Sec
retary of State ; Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury ; Knox, Secretary of War ;
and I believe Bradford was Attorney General. I have always suspected that
you and Knox were in favor of a navy. If Bradford was so, the majority was
clear. But Washington, I am confident, was against it in his judgment. But
his attachment to Knox, and his deference to your opinion, for I know he had a
great regard for you, might induce him to decide in favor of you and Knox,
even though Bradford united with Hamilton in opposition to you. That Ham
ilton was averse to the measure, I have personal evidence ; for while it was
pending, he came in a hurry and a fit of impatience, to make a visit to me. He
said he was likely to be called upon for a large sum of money to build ships of
war, to fight the Algerines, and he asked my opinion of the measure. I an
swered him that I was clearly in favor of it. For I had always been of opinion,
from the commencement of the revolution, that a navy was the most powerful,
the safest and the cheapest national defence for this country. My advice, there
fore, was, that as much of the revenue as could possibly be spared, should be
applied to the building and equipping of ships. The conversation was of some
length but it was manifest in his looks and in his air, that he was disgusted at
the measure, as well as at the opinion that I had expressed.
Mrs. Knox not long since wrote a letter to Dr. Waterhouse, requesting him
to procure a commission for her son, in the navy ; that navy, says her ladyship,
of which his father was the parent. " For," says she, " I have frequently heard
General Washington say to my husband, the navy was your child." I have
always believed it to be Jefferson's child, though Knox may have assisted in
ushering it into the world. Hamilton's hobby was the army. That Washing
ton was averse to a navy, I had full proof from his own lips, in many different
conversations, some of them of length, in which he always insisted that it was
only building and arming ships for the English. " Si quid novisti rectius istis
candidus imperti ; si non, his utere mecum,"
If I am in error in any particular, pray correct your humble servant.
240 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
subject we communicated together, as you observe.
When I returned to the United States and took part
in the administration under General Washington, I
constantly maintained that opinion ; and in December,
1790, took advantage of a reference to me from the
first Congress which met after I was in office, to
report in favor of a force sufficient for the protection
of our Mediterranean commerce ; and I laid before
them an accurate statement of the whole Barbary
force, public and private. I think General Washing
ton approved of building vessels of war to that extent.
General Knox, I know, did. But what was Colonel
Hamilton's opinion, I do not in the least remember.
Your recollections on that subject are certainly
corroborated by his known anxieties for a close con
nection with Great Britain, to which he might appre
hend danger from collisions between their vessels and
ours. Randolph was then Attorney General ; but his
opinion on the question I also entirely forget. Some
vessels of war were accordingly built and sent into the
Mediterranean. The additions to these in your time,
I need not note to you, who are well known to have
ever been an advocate for the wooden walls of
Themistocles. Some of those you added, were sold
under an act of Congress passed while you were in
office. I thought, afterwards, that the public safety
might require some additional vessels of strength, to
be prepared and in readiness for the first moment of
a war, provided they could be preserved against the
decay which is unavoidable if kept in the water, and
clear of the expense of officers and men. With this
1822] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 241
view I proposed that they should be built in dry
docks, above the level of the tide waters, and covered
with roofs. I further advised, that places for these
docks should be selected where there was a command
of water on a high level, as that of the Tyber at
Washington, by which the vessels might be floated
out, on the principle of a lock. But the majority of
the legislature was against any addition to the navy,
and the minority, although for it in judgment, voted
against it on a principle of opposition. We are now,
I understand, building vessels to remain on the stocks,
under shelter, until wanted, when they would be
launched and finished. On my plan they could be in
service at an hour's notice. On this, the finishing,
after launching, will be a work of time.
This is all I recollect about the origin and progress
of our navy. That of the late war, certainly raised
our rank and character among nations. Yet a navy is
a very expensive engine. It is admitted, that in ten
or twelve years a vessel goes to entire decay ; or, if
kept in repair, costs as much as would build a new
one ; and that a nation who could count on twelve or
fifteen years of peace, would gain by burning its navy
and building a new one in time. Its extent, therefore,
must be governed by circumstances. Since my pro
position for a force adequate to the piracies of the
Mediterranean, a similar necessity has arisen in our
own seas for considerable addition to that force.
Indeed, I wish we could have a convention with the
naval powers of Europe, for them to keep down the
pirates of the Mediterranean, and the slave ships on
VOL. x. — 16.
242 THE WRITINGS OF [1822
the coast of Africa, and for us to perform the same
duties for the society of nations in our seas. In this
way, those collisions would be avoided between the
vessels of war of different nations, which beget wars
and constitute the weightiest objection to navies. I
salute you with constant affection and respect.
TO DOCTOR THOMAS COOPER. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, November 2, 1822.
DEAR SIR, — Your favor of October the i8th came to hand
yesterday. The atmosphere of our country is unquestionably
charged with a threatening cloud of fanaticism, lighter in some
parts, denser in others, but too heavy in all. I had no idea, how
ever, that in Pennsylvania, the cradle of toleration and freedom
of religion, it could have arisen to the height you describe. This
must be owing to the growth of Presbyterianism. The blasphemy
and absurdity of the five points of Calvin, and the impossibility
of defending them, render their advocates impatient of reasoning,
irritable, and prone to denunciation. In Boston, however, and its
neighborhood, Unitarianism has advanced to so great strength,
as now to humble this haughtiest of all religious sects ; insomuch
that they condescend to interchange with them and the other sects,
the civilities of preaching freely and frequently in each others'
meeting-houses. In Rhode Island, on the other hand, no secta
rian preacher will permit an Unitarian to pollute his desk. In
our Richmond there is much fanaticism, but chiefly among the
women. . They have their night meetings and praying parties,
where, attended by their priests, and sometimes by a hen-pecked
husband, they pour forth the effusions of their love to Jesus, in
terms as amatory and carnal, as their modesty would permit them
to use to a mere earthly lover. In our village of Charlottesville,
there is a good degree of religion, with a small spice only of fa
naticism. We have four sects, but without either church or meet
ing-house. The court-house is the common temple, one Sunday
in the month to each. Here, Episcopalian and Presbyterian,
1 822] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 243
Methodist and Baptist, meet together, join in hymning their Maker,
listen with attention and devotion to each others' preachers, and
all mix in society with perfect harmony. It is not so in the dis
tricts where Presbyterianism prevails undividedly. Their ambi
tion and tyranny would tolerate no rival if they had power.
Systematical in grasping at an ascendency over all other sects,
they aim, like the Jesuits, at engrossing the education of the coun
try, are hostile to every institution which they do not direct, and
jealous at seeing others begin to attend at all to that object.
The diffusion of instruction, to which there is now so growing an
attention, will be the remote remedy to this fever of fanaticism ;
while the more proximate one will be the progress of Unitarian-
ism. That this will, ere long, be the religion of the majority from
north to south, I have no doubt.
In our university you know there is no Professorship of Divinity.
A handle has been made of this, to disseminate an idea that this
is an institution, not merely of no religion, but against all religion.
Occasion was taken at the last meeting of the Visitors, to bring
forward an idea that might silence this calumny, which weighed
on the minds of some honest friends to the institution. In our
annual report to the legislature, after stating the constitutional
reasons against a public establishment of any religious instruc
tion, we suggest the expediency of encouraging the different
religious sects to establish, each for itself, a professorship of their
own tenets, on the confines of the university, so near as that their
students may attend the lectures there, and have the free use of
our library, and every other accommodation we can give them ;
preserving, however, their independence of us and of each other.
This fills the chasm objected to ours, as a defect in an institution
professing to give instruction in all useful sciences. I think the
invitation will be accepted, by some sects from candid intentions,
and by others from jealousy and rivalship. And by bringing the
sects together, and mixing them with the mass of other students,
we shall soften their asperities, liberalize and neutralize their
prejudices, and make the general religion a religion of peace,
reason, and morality.
The time of opening our university is still as uncertain as ever.
All the pavilions, boarding houses, and dormitories are done.
244 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
Nothing is now wanting but the central building for a library and
other general purposes. For this we have no funds, and the last
legislature refused all aid. We have better hopes of the next.
But all is uncertain. I have heard with regret of disturbances on
the part of the students in your seminary. The article of dis
cipline is the most difficult in American education. Premature
ideas of independence, too little repressed by parents, beget a
spirit of insubordination, which is the great obstacle to science
with us, and a principal cause of its decay since the revolution.
I look to it with dismay in our institution, as a breaker ahead,
which I am far from being confident we shall be able to weather.
The advance of age, and tardy pace of the public patronage, may
probably spare me the pain of witnessing consequences.
I salute you with constant friendship and respect.
TO JAMES MONROE. j. MSS.
Dec. i, 22.
I thank you Dr. Sir for the oppy. of reading Mr. Taylor's Ire.
which I now return. News that one can rely on from a country
with which we have so little intercourse & so much mutual
interest is doubly grateful. I rejoice to learn that Iturbide's is a
mere usurpfi. & slenderly supported. Although we have no right
to intermeddle with the form of government of other nations yet
it is lawful to wish to see no emperors nor king in our hemisphere,
and that Brazil as well as Mexico will homologize with us. The
accident to my arm was slight, its doing well & free from pain. I
thank you sincerely for your favor to Gibson. He is a worthy
but unfortunate man.
TO JAMES MADISON. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Jan. 6. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I send you a mass of reading, and so rapidly does
my hand fail me in writing that I can give but very briefly the
necessary explanations.
i. Mr. Cabell's letter to me & mine to him which passed each
other on the road will give you the state of things respecting the
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 245
University, and I am happy to add that letters received from
Appleton give us reason to expect our capitals by the first vessel
from Leghorn, done of superior marble and in superior style.
2. Young E. Gerry informed me some time ago that he had en
gaged a person to write the life of his father, and asked for any
materials I could furnish. I sent him some letters, but in search
ing for them, I found two, too precious to be trusted by mail, of
the date of 1801. Jan. 15. & 20. in answer to one I had written him
Jan. 26. 99. two years before. It furnishes authentic proof that
in the X. Y. Z. mission to France, it was the wish of Pickering,
Marshall, Pinckney and the Federalists of that stamp, to avoid a
treaty with France and to bring on war, a fact we charged on
them at the time and this letter proves, and that their X. Y. Z.
report was cooked up to dispose the people to war. Gerry their
colleague was not of their sentiment, and this is his statement of
that transaction. During the 2. years between my letter & his
answer, he was wavering between Mr. Adams & myself, between
his attachment to Mr. Adams personally on the one hand, and to
republicanism on the other ; for he was republican, but timid &
indecisive. The event of the election of 1800-1. put an end to
his hesitations.
3. A letter of mine to judge Johnson & his answer. This con
veys his views of things, and they are so serious and sound, that
they are worth your reading. I am sure that in communicating it
to you, I commit no breach of trust to him ; for he and every one
knows that I have no political secrets from you ; & from the tenor
of his letter with respect to yourself, it is evident he would as
willingly have them known to you as myself.
You will observe that Mr. Cabell, if the loan bill should pass,
proposes to come up with Mr. Loyall, probably Mr. Johnson, and
Genl. Cocke to have a special meeting. This is necessary to
engage our workmen before they undertake other work for the
ensuing season. I shall desire him, as soon as the loan bill
passes the lower house (as we know it will pass the Senate) to
name a day by mail to yourself to meet us, as reasonable notice
to all the members is necessary to make the meeting legal. I hope
you will attend, as the important decision as to the Rotunda may
depend on it.
246 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
Our family is all well and joins in affections to Mrs. Madison
and yourself. My arm goes on slowly, still in a sling and in
capable of any use, and will so continue some time yet. Be
so good as to return the inclosed when read and to be assured of
my constant and affectionate friendship.
TO JAMES MONROE. j. MSS.
MONTO. Feb. 21. 23.
DEAR SIR, — The inclosed answers your favor of the 2Qth ult.
on the value of your lands. I had had great hopes that while in
your present office you would break up the degrading practice of
considering the President's house as a general tavern and econo
mise sffly to come out of it clear of difficulties. I learn the
contrary with great regret. Your society during the little time I
have left would have been the chief comfort of my life. Of the
3. portions into which you have laid off your lands here, I will
not yet despair but that you may retain that on which your house
stands. Perhaps you may be able to make an equivalent partial
sale in Loudon before you can a compleat one here.
I had flattered myself that a particular and new resource
would have saved me from my unfortunate engagements for
W. C. N.1 but they fail me, and I must sell property to their
amount.
You have had some difficulties and contradiction to struggle
with in the course of your admn but you will come out of them
with honor and with the affections of your country. Mine to
you have been & ever will be constant and warm.
TO JUDGE WILLIAM JOHNSON. j. MSS.
MO'NTICELLO, March 4, 1823.
DEAR SIR, — I delayed some time the acknowledgment of your
welcome letter of December loth, on the common lazy principle
of never doing to-day what we can put off to to-morrow, until
1 Nicholas.
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 247
it became doubtful whether a letter would find you at Charles
ton. Learning now that you are at Washington, I will reply to
some particulars which seem to require it.
The North American Review is a work I do not take, and
which is little known in this State, consequently I have never
seen its observations on your inestimable history, but a reviewer
can never let a work pass uncensured. He must always make
himself wiser than his author. He would otherwise think it an
abdication of his office of censor. On this occasion, he seems to
have had more sensibility for Virginia than she has for herself ;
for, on reading the work, I saw nothing to touch our pride or jeal
ousy, but every expression of respect and good will which truth
could justify. The family of enemies, whose buzz you appre
hend, are now nothing. You may learn this at Washington ;
and their military relation has long ago had the full-voiced con
demnation of his own State. Do not fear, therefore, these in
sects. What you write will be far above their grovelling sphere.
Let me, then, implore you, dear Sir, to finish your history of par
ties, leaving the time of publication to the state of things you
may deem proper, but taking especial care that we do not lose it
altogether. We have been too careless of our future reputation,
while our tories will omit nothing to place us in the wrong. Be
sides the five-volumed libel which represents us as struggling for
office, and not at all to prevent our government from being ad
ministered into a monarchy, the life of Hamilton is in the hands
of a man who, to the bitterness of the priest, adds the rancor of
the fiercest federalism. Mr. Adams' papers, too, and his biogra
phy, will descend of course to his son, whose pen, you know, is
pointed, and his prejudices not in our favor. And doubtless other
things are in preparation, unknown to us. On our part we are
depending on truth to make itself known, while history is taking
a contrary set which may become too inveterate for correction.
Mr. Madison will probably leave something, but I believe, only
particular passages of our history, and these chiefly confined to
the period between the dissolution of the old and commencement
of the new government, which is peculiarly within his know
ledge. After he joined me in the administration, he had no leis
ure to write. This, too, was my case. But although I had not
248 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
time to prepare anything express, my letters, (all preserved) will
furnish the daily occurrences and views from my return from
Europe in 1790, till I retired finally from office. These will
command more conviction than anything I could have written
after my retirement ; no day having ever passed during that
period without a letter to somebody. Written too in the moment,
and in the warmth and freshness of fact and feeling, they will
carry internal evidence that what they breathe is genuine. Se
lections from these, after my death, may come out successively
as the maturity of circumstances may render their appearance
seasonable. But multiplied testimony, multiplied views will be
necessary to give solid establishment to truth. Much is known
to one which is not known to another, and no one knows every
thing. It is the sum of individual knowledge which is to make
up the whole truth, and to give its correct current through future
time. Then do not, dear Sir, withhold your stock of informa
tion ; and I would moreover recommend that you trust it not to
a single copy, nor to a single depository. Leave it not in the
power of any one person, under the distempered view of an un
lucky moment, to deprive us of the weight of your testimony,
and to purchase, by its destruction, the favor of any party or per
son, as happened with a paper of Dr. Franklin's.
I cannot lay down my pen without recurring to one of the sub
jects of my former letter, for in truth there is no danger I appre
hend so much as the consolidation of our government by the
noiseless, and therefore unalarming, instrumentality of the su
preme court. This is the form in which federalism now arrays
itself, and consolidation is the present principle of distinction
between republicans and the pseudo-republicans but real federal
ists. I must comfort myself with the hope that the judges will
see the importance and the duty of giving their country the only
evidence they can give of fidelity to its constitution and integrity
in the administration of its laws ; that is to say, by every one's
giving his opinion seriatim and publicly on the cases he decides.
Let him prove by his reasoning that he has read the papers, that
he has considered the case, that in the application of the law to
it, he uses his own judgment independently and unbiased by
party views and personal favor or disfavor. Throw himself in
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 249
every case on God and his country ; both will excuse him for
error and value him for his honesty. The very idea of cooking
up opinions in conclave, begets suspicions that something passes
which fears the public ear, and this, spreading by degrees, must
produce at some time abridgment of tenure, facility of removal,
or some other modification which may promise a remedy. For
in truth there is at this time more hostility to the federal judi
ciary, than to any other organ of the government.
I should greatly prefer, as you do, four judges to any greater
number. Great lawyers are not over abundant, and the multipli
cation of judges only enables the weak to out-vote the wise, and
three concurrent opinions out of four give a strong presumption
of right.
I cannot better prove my entire confidence in your candor,
than by the frankness with which I commit myself to you, and
to this I add with truth, assurances of the sincerity of my great
esteem and respect.
TO WILLIAM SHORT.1 j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, March 28. 23.
DEAR SIR, — From your letter of prophecies I too have caught
the spirit of prophecy : for who can withhold looking into futurity,
on events which are to change the face of the world, and the con
dition of man throughout it, without indulging himself in the
effusions of the holy spirit of Delphos ? I may do it the more
safely, as to my vaticinations I always subjoin the Proviso u that
nothing unexpected happen to change the predicted course of
events." If, then, France has invaded Spain, an insurrection im
mediately takes place in Paris, the Royal family is sent to the
1 Jefferson also sent a copy of this letter to Monroe, with the following ex
planation :
MONTO. Mar. 29. 23.
DEAR SIR, — In answering a letter from Mr. Short I indulged myself in some
off hand speculns on the present lowering state of Europe, random enough to
be sure, yet on revising them I thot I would hazard a copy to you on the bare
possibility that out of them, as we sometimes do from dreams, you might pick
up some hint worth improving by your own reflection. At any rate the whole
reverie will lose to you only the few minutes required for it's perusal, and there
fore I hazard it with the assurance of my constant affectn & respect.
250 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
Temple, thence perhaps to the Guillotine ; to the 2. or 300,000
men able to bear arms in Paris will flock all the young men of the
nation, born and bred in principles of freedom, and furnish a
corps d'armee with Orleans, Beauharnais, or Fayette at their
head ; the army of the Pyrenees catch the same flame and return
to Paris with their arms in their hands. The Austrian and Prus
sian armies march to the relief of Louis XVIII, a descendant
as well as Ferdinand of Henry IV. As soon as their backs are
turned, an universal insurrection takes place in Germany, Prussia,
perhaps the Netherlands, thro' all Italy certainly, who besides a
force sufficient to settle their own governments, can send aids to
France. Alexander, in the meantime, having dexterously set all
the South of Europe together by the ears, leaves them the bag to
hold, and turns his whole force on Turkey, profiting of the oppor
tunity at length obtained, which never occurred before, and never
would again.
In the mean time Great Britain and the U S. prepare for milk
ing the cow ; and, as friends to all parties, furnish all with cabo
tage, commerce, manufactures and food. Great Britain particularly
gets full employment for all her hands, machines and capital ; she
recovers from her distresses & rises again into prosperity and
splendour. She goes hand in hand with us in reaping this harvest
and on fair principles of Neutrality, which it will now be her in
terest to settle and observe : She joins us too in a guarantee of
the independance of Cuba, with the consent of Spain, and removes
thus this bone of contention from between us. We avail ourselves
of this occasion of a cordial conciliation and friendship with
Spain, by assuring her of every friendly office which even a par
tial neutrality will permit, and particularly that, during their strug
gle, they need fear nothing hostile from us in their colonies, and
Spain and Portugal wisely relinquish the dependance of all their
American colonies, on condition they make common cause with
them in the present conflict. Is not this a handsome string of
events, which are to give Representative Governments to all
Europe, and all of which are surely to take place "if nothing
unexpected happens to change their course " ? It might be
amusing half a dozen years hence, to review these predictions
and see how they tally with history.
iS23] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 251
I shall receive, with high pleasure, your visit in the Autumn.
When the time approaches, we must secure a concert between that
and mine to Bedford to which all times are indifferent. Our Uni
versity is now compleat to a single building, which, having seen
the Pantheon, your imagination will readily supply, so as to form
a good idea of its ultimate appearance. You must bequeath it
your library, as many others of us propose to do.
The bone of my arm is well knitted and strong, but the carpal
bones, having been disturbed, maintain an cedematous swelling
of the hand and fingers, keeping them entirely helpless and hold
ing up no definite term for the recovery of their usefulness. I
am now in the 5th months of this disability.
Nothing could have carried me through the labor of this long
letter but the glow of the Pythian inspiration, and I must rest,
after exhaustion, as that goddess usually did, adding only assur
ances of my constant and affectionate friendship and respect.
TO SAMUEL SMITH. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, May 3, 1823.
DEAR GENERAL, — I duly received your favor of the 24th ult.
But I am rendered a slow correspondent by the loss of the use,
totally of the one, and almost totally of the other wrist, which
renders writing scarcely and painfully practicable. I learn with
great satisfaction that wholesome economies have been found,
sufficient to relieve us from the ruinous necessity of adding an
nually to our debt by new loans. The deviser of so salutary a
relief deserves truly well of his country. I shall be glad, too, if
an additional tax of one-fourth of a dollar a gallon on whiskey
shall enable us to meet all our engagements with punctuality.
Viewing that tax as an article in a system of excise, I was once
glad to see it fall with the rest of the system, which I considered
as prematurely and unnecessarily introduced. It was evident
that our existing taxes were then equal to our existing debts. It
was clearly foreseen also that the surplus from excise would only
become aliment for useless offices, and would be swallowed in
idleness by those whom it would withdraw from useful industry.
Considering it only as a fiscal measure, this was right. But the
252 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
prostration of body and mind which the cheapness of this liquor
is spreading through the mass of our citizens, now calls the atten
tion of the legislator on a very different principle. One of his
important duties is as guardian of those who from causes insus
ceptible of precise definition, cannot take care of themselves. Such
are infants, maniacs, gamblers, drunkards. The last, as much as
the maniac, requires restrictive measures to save him from the
fatal infatuation under which he is destroying his health, his
morals, his family, and his usefulness to society. One powerful
obstacle to his ruinous self-indulgence would be a price beyond
his competence. As a sanatory measure, therefore, it becomes
one of duty in the public guardians. Yet I do not think it follows
necessarily that imported spirits should be subjected to similar
enhancement, until they become as cheap as those made at home.
A tax on whiskey is to discourage its consumption ; a tax on for
eign spirits encourages whiskey by removing its rival from com
petition. The price and present duty throw foreign spirits already
out of competition with whiskey, and accordingly they are used
but to a salutary extent. You see no persons besotting themselves
with imported spirits, wines, liquors, cordials, &c. Whiskey
claims to itself alone the exclusive office of sot-making. Foreign
spirits, wines, teas, coffee, segars, salt, are articles of as innocent
consumption as broadcloths and silks and ought, like them, to
pay but the average ad valorem duty of other imported comforts.
All of them are ingredients in our happiness, and the government
which steps out of the ranks of the ordinary articles of consump
tion to select and lay under disproportionate burthens a particular
one, because it is a comfort, pleasing to the taste, or necessary to
health, and will therefore be bought, is, in that particular, a tyr
anny. Taxes on consumption like those on capital or income, to
be just, must be uniform. I do not mean to say that it may not
be for the general interest to foster for awhile certain infant manu
factures, until they are strong enough to stand against foreign
rivals ; but when evident that they will never be so, it is against
right, to make the other branches of industry support them.
When it was found that France could not make sugar under 6 h.
a lb., was it not tyranny to restrain her citizens from importing
at i h. ? or would it not have been so to have laid a duty of 5 h.
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 253
on the imported ? The permitting an exchange of industries
with other nations is a direct encouragement of your own, which
without that, would bring you nothing for your comfort, and
would of course cease to be produced.
On the question of the next Presidential election, I am a mere
looker on. I never permit myself to express an opinion, or to
feel a wish on the subject. I indulge a single hope only, that
the choice may fall on one who will be a friend of peace, of
economy, of the republican principles of our constitution, and of
the salutary distribution of powers made by that between the
general and the local governments, to this, I ever add sincere
prayers for your happiness and prosperity.
TO THOMAS LEIPER. j. MSS.
May 31, 23.
DEAR SIR, — On my late return from Bedford I found here your
three favors of May 9. 13. & — . The millet you have been so
kind as to send me is not yet arrived. Accept my thanks for it as
well as for the details as to it's culture & produce. I shall turn it
over to my grandson T. J. Randolph, to whom I have committed
the management of the whole of my agricultural concerns, in
which I was never skilful and am now entirely unequal from age
and debility. He had reed, some seed of the same kind from
another quarter and had sowed an acre & a half by way of ex
periment. To this he will add what you are so kind as to send if
it comes in time. We had heard much of it's great produce &
particularly in Kentucky. We have also obtained a little of the
genuine Guinee grass, a plant of great & nutritious produce.
This too is under trial. Withdrawn entirely from agriculture I
am equally so from the business of the world & especially from
political concerns which I trust entirely to the genern of the
day, without enquiry, or reading but a single newspaper. I shall
therefore accdg to your permission consign the several valuable
pamphlets you have sent me to some of our members of Con
gress or others in power, who may use them to advantage. I am
sure however I should read your vinegar & pepper letters with
254 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
pleasure should you send them on ; for whenever I have been
confounded in the labyrinth of politics of Pennsylve especially
I have ever applied to you for their clue & have found my
self kept right by your informn. I am all alive however to the
war of Spain & it's atrocious invasion by France. I trust it will
end in an Universal insurrection of continental Europe & in the
establmt of representative government in every country of it.
We surely see the finger of providence in the insanity of France
which brings on this great consummation.
I learn from you with great satisfn the details concerning
your family, and their happy & prosperous progress in life.
Your own losses by endorsements are heavy indeed. I do not
know whether you may recollect how loudly my voice was raised
agt. the establmt of banks in the begng. But like that of Cas
sandra it was not listened to. I was set down as a madman by
those who have since been victims to them. I little thought
then how much I was to suffer by them myself, for I too am
taken in by endorsements for a friend to the amount of 20,000 D.
for the payment of which I shall have to make sale of that
much of my property the ensuing winter. And yet the gen
eral revoln of fortunes which these instrmns have produced
seem not at all to have cured our country of this mania.
Your last letter first enables me to return you the thanks so
long due & unrendered for the two prints of Bonaparte, being
the first informn I have reed that they came from you. They
came to me without the least indicn from what quarter. I went
to the village of Milton, & enquired of the boatmen, who could
tell me nothing more than that they were delivered to them for
me by a person whom they did not know, and the present was so
magnificent that I really suspected it came from Joseph Bona
parte or some of the refugee French Generals who were then
with us. Dr. Watson first suggested that he believed they had
come from you and that you had never learnt their safe arrival.
I prayed him on his return to Phila to ascertain the fact, and
your letter now, for the first time gives me the informn desired.
I pray you to be assured that nothing but this ignorance could
so long have withheld my just acknolegmts for this mark of
your frdshp so splendid & so acceptable. You suppose that
1 823! THOMAS JEFFERSON. 255
in some letter of mine an idea is conveyed of dissatsn on my
part for something mentd. by you on the subject of my religion.
Certainly no letter of mine to you can ever have expressed such
an idea. I never heard of any animadversion of yours on my
religion & I believe that is one of the subjects on which our con-
versn never turned, and that neither of us ever knew what was
the religion of the other. On this point I suppose we are both
equally tolerant & charitable.
I am far from being in the condn of easy-writing which your
letter supposes, with 2 crippled wrists, the one scarcely able to
move my pen, the other to hold my paper. This double misfor
tune, the one of antr date now aggravated by age, the other
recent, renders writing so slow & painful that nothing can in
duce me to approach the writing table but business indispensa
ble or the irresistible impulse to assure my friends, as I now do
you, of my constant & affecte frdshp & respect.
TO WILLIAM BRANCH GILES. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 9. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I received yesterday your favor of the 3ist ult.
and my Grandson Th : J. R. having set out to Richmond the day
before I immediately inclosed the papers to him by mail and in
formed him that I should be ready if thot necessary, to bear testi
mony to the honble character of our deed, friend, as I knew him.
I am sorry to learn that you are among the sufferers by his mis
fortunes. I am dreadfully so, to an amount which will weigh
heavily on the remr of my life.
I was much gratified by the visit of your son and formed as
favorable an opinion of him as it's shortness would permit. I
hope we shall have our Univty. opened yet in time for him. This
however must depend on the future acts of the legislature.
They started the schemes of their Primary schools and university
at the same time, and as if on the same footing, without consider
ing that the former required no preliminary expence, the latter
an immense one, and their supplies of the deficiency they have
called hitherto by the name of loans, as if the monies of the liter-
256 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
ary fund could be more legitimately appropriated. Their last vote
will compleatly finish the buildings, and whenever they shall de
clare our annuity liberated from this incumbrance, we shall take
measures to procure professors and to open the institution. I
hope they will make this declaration at their next session. We
can immediately accommodate 200 students, which number I am
sure will be quickly furnished to overflowing. Every student
addnal to that number, and I think they will be many, will require
progressive accommdns to the amount of 300. D. for each until
we attain our maximum, which the success of the establmt will I
hope by that time encourage the legislature to furnish, in considn
of the D. & cents they will add to our circuln as well as to the
diffusion of science among our citizens.
I have been gratified lately by hearing that your health was
improving. The bone of my arm which was fractured, is well
knitted, but the small bones of the wrist being dislocated at the
same time, could not be truly replaced, so that it's use will never
be recovered in any great degree. My health is good, but so
weakened by age that I can walk but little, but I ride daily &
with little fatigue. I hope you will continue as long as you wish
it to enjoy life and health, and pray you to be assured of my con
stant and sincere frdshp and respect.
TO JAMES MONROE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June ii, 1823.
DEAR SIR, — Considering that I had not been to Bedford for a
twelvemonth before, I thought myself singularly unfortunate in
so timing my journey, as to have been absent exactly at the mo
ment of your late visit to our neighborhood. The loss, indeed,
was all my own ; for in these short interviews with you, I gener
ally get my political compass rectified, learn from you whereabouts
we are, and correct my course again. In exchange for this, I can
give you but newspaper ideas, and little indeed of these, for I
read but a single paper, and that hastily. I find Horace and
Tacitus so much better writers than the champions of the gazettes,
that I lay those down to take up these with great reluctance.
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 257
And on the question you propose, whether we can, in any form,
take a bolder attitude than formerly in favor of liberty, I can give
you but commonplace ideas. They will be but the widow's mite,
and offered only because requested. The matter which now em
broils Europe, the presumption of dictating to an independent
nation the form of its government, is so arrogant, so atrocious,
that indignation, as well as moral sentiment, enlists all our partiali
ties and prayers in favor of one, and our equal execrations against
the other. I do not know, indeed, whether all nations do not owe
to one another a bold and open declaration of their sympathies
with the one party and their detestation of the conduct of the
other. But farther than this we are not bound to go ; and in
deed, for the sake of the world, we ought not to increase the
jealousies, or draw on ourselves the power of this formidable con
federacy. I have ever deemed it fundamental for the United
States, never to take active part in the quarrels of Europe. Their
political interests are entirely distinct from ours. Their mutual
jealousies, their balance of power, their complicated alliances,
their forms and principles of government, are all foreign to us.
They are nations of eternal war. All their energies are expended
in the destruction of the labor, property and lives of their people.
On our part, never had a people so favorable a chance of trying
the opposite system, of peace and fraternity with mankind, and
the direction of all our means and faculties to the purposes of
improvement instead of destruction. With Europe we have few
occasions of collision, and these, with a little prudence and for
bearance, may be generally accommodated. Of the brethren of
our own hemisphere, none are yet, or for an age to come will be,
in a shape, condition, or disposition to war against us. And the
foothold which the nations of Europe had in either America, is
slipping from under them, so that we shall soon be rid of their
neighborhood. Cuba alone seems at present to hold up a speck
of war to us. Its possession by Great Britain would indeed be
a great calamity to us. Could we induce her to join us in guar
anteeing its independence against all the world, except Spain, it
would be nearly as valuable to us as if it were our own. But
should she take it, I would not immediately go to war for it ; be
cause the first war on other accounts will give it to us ; or the
VOL. X.— 17
258 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
island will give itself to us, when able to do so. While no duty,
therefore, calls on us to take part in the present war of Europe,
and a golden harvest offers itself in reward for doing nothing,
peace and neutrality seem to be our duty and interest. We may
gratify ourselves, indeed, with a neutrality as partial to Spain as
would be justifiable without giving cause of war to her adversary ;
we might and ought to avail ourselves of the happy occasion of
procuring and cementing a cordial reconciliation with her, by
giving assurance of every friendly office which neutrality admits,
and especially, against all apprehension of our intermeddling in
the quarrel with her colonies. And I expect daily and confi
dently to hear of a spark kindled in France, which will employ
her at home, and relieve Spain from all further apprehensions of
danger.
That England is playing false with Spain cannot be doubted.
Her government is looking one way and rowing another. It is
curious to look back a little on past events. During the ascend
ancy of Bonaparte, the word among the herd of kings, was " sauve
qui peut" Each shifted for himself, and left his brethren to
squander and do the same as they could. After the battle of
Waterloo, and the military possession of France, they rallied and
combined in common cause, to maintain each other against any
similar and future danger. And in this alliance, Louis, now
avowedly, and George, secretly but solidly, were of the contract
ing parties ; and there can be no doubt that the allies are bound
by treaty to aid England with their armies, should insurrection
take place among her people. The coquetry she is now playing
off between her people and her allies is perfectly understood by
the latter, and accordingly gives no apprehensions to France, to
whom it is all explained. The diplomatic correspondence she is
now displaying, these double papers fabricated merely for exhi
bition, in which she makes herself talk of morals and principle, as
if her qualms of conscience would not permit her to go all lengths
with her Holy Allies, are all to gull her own people. It is a the
atrical farce, in which the five powers are the actors, England the
Tartuffe, and her people the dupes. Playing thus so dextrously
into each others' hands, and their own persons seeming secured,
they are now looking to their privileged orders. These faithful
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 259
auxiliaries, or accomplices, must be saved. This war is evidently
that of the general body of the aristocracy, in which England is
also acting her part. " Save but the Nobles and there shall be
no war," says she, masking her measures at the same time under
the form of friendship and mediation, and hypocritically, while a
party, offering herself as a judge, to betray those whom she is not
permitted openly to oppose. A fraudulent neutrality, if neutrality
at all, is all Spain will get from her. And Spain, probably, per
ceives this, and willingly winks at it rather than have her weight
thrown openly into the other scale.
But I am going beyond my text, and sinning against the adage
of carrying coals to Newcastle. In hazarding to you my crude
and uninformed notions of things beyond my cognizance, only
be so good as to remember that it is at your request, and with as
little confidence on my part as profit on yours. You will do what
is right, leaving the people of Europe to act their follies and crimes
among themselves, while we pursue in good faith the paths of
peace and prosperity. To your judgment we are willingly resigned,
with sincere assurances of affectionate esteem and respect.
TO JAMES MADISON. J.MSS.
MONTO. June 13. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I communicated to you a former part of a corres-
pdce between Judge Johnson of Charleston and myself, chiefly on
the practice of caucusing opns which is that of the Supreme court
of the US. but on some other matters also, particularly his history
of parties. In a late letter he asks me to give him my idea of the
precise principles & views of the Republicans in their opposn to the
Feds when that opposn was highest, also my opn of the line divid
ing the jurisdn of the general & state govmts, mentions a dispute
between Genl. W.'s frds & Mr. Hamilton as to the authorship of
their Valedictory, and expresses his concurrce with me on the
subject of seriatim opns. This last being of primary importance
I inclose you a copy of my answer to the judge, because if you
think of it as I do, I suppose your connection with Judge Todd
& your antient intimacy with Judge Duvel might give you an
260 THE WRITINGS OF 0823
opening to say something to them on the subject. If Johnson
could be backed by them in the practice, the others would be
obliged to follow suit and this dangerous engine of consolidn
would feel a proper restraint by their being compelled to explain
publicly the grounds of their opinions. What I have stated as
the Valedictory, is accdg to my recollection ; if you find any error
it shall be corrected in another letter. When you shall have read
the inclosed be so good as to return it, as I have no other copy.
The literary board have advanced 40,000 D. and will retain
the balance for us as requested until the end of the year, and the
building is going on rapidly. Ever & affectly. yours.
TO JAMES MONROE. J.MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 23, 1823.
DEAR SIR, — I have been lately visited by a Mr. Miralla, a na
tive of Buenos Ayres, but resident in Cuba for the last seven or
eight years ; a person of intelligence, of much information, and
frankly communicative. I believe, indeed, he is known to you.
I availed myself of the opportunity of learning what was the
state of public sentiment in Cuba as to their future course. He
says they should be satisfied to remain as they are ; but all are
sensible that that cannot be ; that whenever circumstances shall
render a separation from Spain necessary, a perfect independance
would be their choice, provided they could see a certainty of
protection ; but that, without that prospect, they would be di
vided in opinion between an incorporation with Mexico, and
with the United States. — Columbia being too remote for prompt
support. The considerations in favor of Mexico are that the
Havana would be the emporium for all the produce of that im
mense and wealthy country, and of course, the medium of all its
commerce ; that having no ports on its eastern coast, Cuba would
become the depot of its naval stores and strength, and, in effect,
would, in a great measure, have the sinews of the government in
its hands. That in favor of the United States is the fact that
three-fourths of the exportations from Havana come to the
United States, that they are a settled government, the power
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 261
which can most promptly succor them, rising to an eminence
promising future security ; and of which they would make a
member of the sovereignty, while as to England, they would be
only a colony, subordinated to her interest, and that there is not
a man in the island who would not resist her to the bitterest ex
tremity. Of this last sentiment I had not the least idea at the
date of my late letters to you. I had supposed an English in
terest there quite as strong as that of the United States, and
therefore, that, to avoid war, and keep the island open to our
own commerce, it would be best to join that power in mutually
guaranteeing its independence. But if there is no danger of its
falling into the possession of England, I must retract an opinion
founded on an error of fact. We are surely under no obligation
to give her, gratis, an interest which she has not ; and the whole
inhabitants being averse to her, and the climate mortal to strang
ers, its continued military occupation by her would be impractic
able. It is better then to lie still in readiness to receive that
interesting incorporation when solicited by herself. For, cer
tainly, her addition to our confederacy is exactly what is wanting
to round our power as a nation to the point of its utmost interest.
I have thought it my duty to acknowledge my error on this
occasion, and to repeat a truth before acknowledged, that, re
tired as I am, I know too little of the affairs of the world to form
opinions of them worthy of any attention ; and I resign myself
with reason, and perfect confidence to the care and guidance of
those to whom the helm is committed. With this assurance, ac
cept that of my constant and affectionate friendship and respect.
TO ALBERT GALLATIN. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, August 2, 1823.
DEAR SIR, — A recent illness, from which I am just recovering,
obliges me to borrow the pen of a granddaughter to acknow
ledge the receipt of your welcome favor, of June 29, from New
York. I read it with great satisfaction. Occasional views, to be
relied on, of the complicated affairs of Europe are like a good
observation at sea, which tells one where they are, after wander-
262 THE WRITINGS OF
ing through the newspapers till they are bewildered. I keep my
eye on the cortes as my index, and judge of everything by their
position and proceedings. I do not readily despair of Spain.
Their former example proved them, and the cause is the same,
their constitutional cortes and king. At any rate I despair not
of Europe. The advance of mind which has taken place every
where cannot retrograde, and the advantages of representative
government exhibited in England and America, and recently in
other countries, will procure its establishment everywhere in a
more or less perfect form ; and this will insure the amelioration
of the condition of the world. It will cost years of blood, and
be well worth them.
Here you will not immediately see into our political condition
which you once understood so well. It is not exactly what it
seems to be. You will be told that parties are now all amal
gamated ; the wolf now dwells with the lamb, and the leopard
lies down with the kid. It is true that Federalism has changed
its name and hidden itself among us. Since the Hartford Con
vention it is deemed even by themselves a name of reproach.
In some degree, too, they have varied their object. To mon-
archize this nation they see is impossible ; the next best thing
in their view is to consolidate it into one government as a pre
mier pas to monarchy. The party is now as strong as it ever has
been since 1800. ; and, though mixed with us, are to be known
by their rallying together on every question of power in a general
government. The judges, as before, are at their head, and are
their entering wedge. Young men are more easily seduced into
this principle than the old one of monarchy. But you will soon
see into this disguise. Your visit to this place would indeed be
a day of jubilee : but your age and distance forbid the hope.
Be this as it will, I shall love you forever, and rejoice in your
rejoicing, and sympathize in your evils. God bless you and
have you ever in his holy keeping.
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON, 263
TO SAMUEL H. SMITH. J.MSS.
MONTICELLO Aug. 2. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I agree with you in all the definitions of your favor
of July 22. of the qualificns necessary for the chair of the US.
and I add another. He ought to be disposed rigorously to
maintain the line of power marked by the constitution between
the two co-ordinate governments, each sovereign & independant
in it's department, the states as to everything relating to them
selves and their state, the General government as to everything
relating to things or persons out of a particular state. The one
may be strictly called the Domestic branch of government
which is sectional but sovereign, the other the foreign branch
of government co-ordinate with the other domestic & equally
sovereign on it's own side of the line. The federalists, baffled
in their schemes to monarchise us, have given up their name,
which the Hartford Convention had made odious, and have
taken shelter among us and under our name. But they have not
only changed the point of attack. On every question of the
usurpation of State powers by the Foreign or Genl govmt, the
same men rally together, force the line of demarcation and con
solidate the government. The judges are at their head as here
tofore, and are their entering wedge. The true old republicans
stand to the line, and will I hope die on it if necessary. Let our
next president be aware of this new party principle and firm in
maintaining the constitutional line of demarcation. But agreeing
in your principles, I am not sufficiently acquainted with the
numerous candidates to apply them personally. With one I have
had a long acquaintance, but little intimate because little in
political unison. With another a short but more favorable
acquaintance because always in unison. With others merely
a personal recognition. Thus unqualified to judge, I am equally
indisposed in my state of retirement, at my age and last stage of
debility. I ought not to quit the port in which I am quietly
moored to commit myself again to the stormy ocean of political
or party contest, to kindle new enmities, and lose old friends.
No, my dear sir, tranquility is the summum bonum of old age,
and there is a time when it is a duty to leave the government
264 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
of the world to the existing generation, and to repose one's self
under their protecting hand. That time is come with me, and
I welcome it. A recent illness from which I am just recovered
obliges me to borrow the pen of a granddaughter to say these
things to you, to assure you of my continued esteem and respect,
and to request you to recall me to the friendly recollections of
Mrs. Smith.1
TO GEORGE HAY. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Aug. I?. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I reed, yesterday your favor of the nth. It re
ferred to something said to be inclosed, without saying what,
and, in fact nothing was inclosed. But the preceding mail had
brot me the Nat. Intell. of the yth & pth in which was a very
able discussion on the mode of electing our President signed
Phocion. This I suspect is what your letter refers to. If I am
right in this conjecture, I have no hesitation in saying that I
have ever considered the constitutional mode of election ulti
mately by the legislature voting by states as the most dangerous
blot in our constn, and one which some unlucky chance will
some day hit, and give us a pope & anti-pope. I looked there-
1 Of this letter Jefferson later wrote to Smith :
MONTO Dec. 19. 23.
Do not for the world, my dear Sir, suffer my letter of Aug. 2. to get before
the public, nor to go out of your own hands or to be copied. I am always
averse to the publication of my letters because I wish to be at rest, retired &
unnoticed. But most especially this letter. I never meant to meddle in a
Presidential election, and in a letter to a person in N. Y. written after the
date of the one to you I declared that I would take no part in the ensuing one
and permitted him to publish the letter. A thousand improprieties, indelica
cies & considns of friendship strongly felt by myself, forbid it. I am glad
you did not name to me those to whom you had thought to give a copy, be
cause not knowing who they are my unwillingness cannot be felt by any as
proceeding from a want of personal confidence, but truly from the motives
above stated. I hope the choice will fall on some real republican, who will
continue the admn on the express principles of the constn unadulterated by con
structions reducing it to a blank to be filled with what every one pleases and
what never was intended. With this I shall be contented. Accept for your
self & Mrs. Smith the assurances of my affectionate esteem & respect.
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 265
fore with anxiety to the amendment proposed by Colo. Taylor at
the last session of Congress, which I thought would be a good
substitute, if on an equal division of the electors after a 2d appeal
to them the ultimate decision between the two highest had been
given by it to the legislature voting per capita. But the states
are now so numerous that I despair of ever seeing another
amdmt to the constn, altho the innovns of time will certainly
call and now already call for some, and especially the smaller
states are so numerous as to render desperate every hope of
obtaining a sufficient proportion of them in favor of Phocion's
proposition. Another general convention can alone relieve us.
What then is the best palliative of the evil in the mean time ?
Another short question points to the answer. Would we rather
the choice should be made by the legislature voting in Congress
by states, or in Caucus per capita ? The remedy is indeed bad,
but the disease worse !
But I have long since withdrawn from attention to political
affairs. Age & debility render me unequal and disinclined to
them, and two crippled wrists to the use of the pen. Peace with
all the world and a quiet descent thro' the remainder of my time
are now so necessary to my happiness that I am unwilling by the
expression of any opinion before the public to rekindle antient
animosities, covered under their ashes indeed but not extin
guished. Yet altho' weaned from politics, I am not so from the
love of my friends, and to yourself particularly I can give assur
ance with truth of my constant, and cordial affection & respect.
TO WILLIAM BRANCH GILES. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Aug. 29. 23.
DEAR SIR, — On receipt of your former letter of May 31. I com
municated it to my gr. son Jefferson Randolph. On considn
of the subject he was induced to think that the vindicn of
Mr. W. C. N.'s character, if it needed it at all would be particu
larly incumbent on his brother Mr. Norborne Nicholas and would
in his be in more competent hands. He therefore communicated
the Ire to him, and referred to him to act on it, as he should
think best. Your last letter of July 29 came to my hands of the
266 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
2ist inst. only. Jefferson was then absent on a journey so that
I did not see him till the evening of the 27th when I communi
cated to him this letter also. He observed to me that having
referred the whole matter to Mr. N. Nicholas he was unwilling
to meddle with it at all. I therefore went on the 28th (yester
day) to Charlsvl. at the hour prescribed & found there Mr
Pollard with his counsel Mr. Dyer, but no magistrates. I had
written my answers to your interrogatories & shewed them to the
gentlemen, asking of Mr. Pollard if (as no magistrates attended)
he would suffer them to be read by consent. He said he should
do whatever his counsel advised. I then asked his counsel, who
answered that they could consent to nothing, at the same time
acknoleging that the answers were such as every man would give
who knew anything of Colo. Nicholas. We parted therefore re
infecta. Reflecting however, on my return home, I became
sensible that you must have depended either on Jef. Randolph
or myself for procuring magistrates and was mortified that, on
their refusing consent, it did not occur to me on the instant, to
go out and hunt up a couple of magistrates. I therefore returned
to Charlesvl early this morning, found Mr. Pollard still there,
went out & procured the attendee of 2 magistrates, and the
deposn was taken, and is in the letter I now enclose for the
clerk of your court. That you may know what it is I return you
your interrogatories with the answers I gave to them & those of
the other party with the answers to them also which I scribbled
on my knee. These were copied verbatim into the deposn with
out a word more or less : this will explain to you why the depo
sition has been taken this day instead of yesterday and with
every wish which friendship can inspire for your happy issue out
of this entanglement, I give assurances of my constant and un
changeable affection & respect.
TO JAMES MADISON. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, August 30, 1823.
DEAR SIR, — I received the enclosed letters from the President
with a request, that after perusal I would forward them to you
for perusal by yourself also, and to be returned then to him.
1 8a 3] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 267
You have doubtless seen Timothy Pickering's fourth of July
observations on the Declaration of Independence. If his princi
ples and prejudices, personal and political, gave us no reason to
doubt whether he had truly quoted the information he alleges to
have received from Mr. Adams, I should then say, that in some
of the particulars, Mr. Adams' memory has led him into unques
tionable error. At the age of eighty-eight, and forty-seven years
after the transactions of Independence, this is not wonderful.
Nor should I, at the age of eighty, on the small advantage of
that difference only, venture to oppose my memory to his, were
it not supported by written notes, taken by myself at the mo
ment and on the spot. He says, " the committee of five, to wit,
Dr. Franklin, Sherman, Livingston, and ourselves, met, discussed
the subject, and then appointed him and myself to make the
draught ; that we, as a sub-committee, met, and after the urgen
cies of each on the other, I consented to undertake the task ; that
the draught being made, we, the sub-committee, met, and conned
the paper over, and he does not remember that he made or sug
gested a single alteration." Now these details are quite incor
rect. The committee of five met ; no such thing as a sub-com
mittee was proposed, but they unanimously pressed on myself
alone to undertake the draught. I consented ; I drew it ; but be
fore I reported it to the committee, I communicated it separately
to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams, requesting their corrections, be
cause they were the two members of whose judgments and
amendments I wished most to have the benefit, before presenting
it to the committee ; and you have seen the original paper now
in my hands, with the corrections of Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams
interlined in their own hand writings. Their alterations were
two or three only, and merely verbal. I then wrote a fair copy,
reported it to the committee, and from them, unaltered, to Con
gress. This personal communication and consultation with Mr.
Adams, he has misremembered into the actings of a sub-commit
tee. Pickering's observations, and Mr. Adams' in addition, " that
it contained no new ideas, that it is a common-place compilation,
its sentiments hacknied in Congress for two years before, and its
essence contained in Otis' pamphlet," may all be true. Of that
I am not to be the judge. Richard Henry Lee charged it as
268 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
copied from Locke's treatise on government. Otis' pamphlet I
never saw, and whether I had gathered my ideas from reading
or reflection I do not know. I know only that I turned to neither
book nor pamphlet while writing it. I did not consider it as
any part of my charge to invent new ideas altogether, and to of
fer no sentiment which had ever been expressed before. Had
Mr. Adams been so restrained, Congress would have lost the
benefit of his bold and impressive advocations of the rights of
Revolution. For no man's confident and fervid addresses, more
than Mr. Adams', encouraged and supported us through the diffi
culties surrounding us, which, like the ceaseless action of gravity
weighed on us by night and by day. Yet, on the same ground,
we may ask what of these elevated thoughts was new, or can be
affirmed never before to have entered the conceptions of man ?
Whether, also, the sentiments of Independence, and the reasons
for declaring it, which make so great a portion of the instrument,
had been hackneyed in Congress for two years before the 4th of
July, '76, or this dictum also of Mr. Adams be another slip of me
mory, let history say. This, however, I will say for Mr. Adams,
that he supported the Declaration with zeal and ability, fighting
fearlessly for every word of it. As to myself, I thought it a duty
to be, on that occasion, a passive auditor of the opinions of others,
more impartial judges than I could be, of its merits or demerits.
During the debate I was sitting by Doctor Franklin, and he ob
served that I was writhing a little under the acrimonious criti
cisms on some of its parts ; and it was on that occasion, that by
way of comfort, he told me the story of John Thompson, the
hatter, and his new sign.
Timothy thinks the instrument the better for having a fourth
of it expunged. He would have thought it still better, had the
other three-fourths gone out also, all but the single sentiment
(the only one he approves), which recommends friendship to his
dear England, whenever she is willing to be at peace with us.
His insinuations are, that although " the high tone of the instru
ment was in unison with the warm feelings of the times, this
sentiment of habitual friendship to England should never be for
gotten, and that the duties it enjoins should especially be borne
in mind on every celebration of this anniversary." In other
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 269
words, that the Declaration, as being a libel on the government
of England, composed in times of passion, should now be buried
in utter oblivion, to spare the feelings of our English friends and
Angloman fellow-citizens. But it is not to wound them that we
wish to keep it in mind ; but to cherish the principles of the in
strument in the bosoms of our own citizens : and it is a heavenly
comfort to see that these principles are yet so strongly felt, as to
render a circumstance so trifling as this little lapse of memory
of Mr. Adams, worthy of being solemnly announced and sup
ported at an anniversary assemblage of the nation on its birth-
day. In opposition, however, to Mr. Pickering, I pray God that
these principles may be eternal, and close the prayer with my
affectionate wishes for yourself of long life, health and happiness.
TO JOHN ADAMS. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, September 4, 1823.
DEAR SIR, — Your letter of August the i5th was
received in due time, and with the welcome of every
thing which comes from you. With its opinions on
the difficulties of revolutions from despotism to free
dom, I very much concur. The generation which com
mences a revolution rarely completes it. Habituated
from their infancy to passive submission of body and
mind to their kings and priests, they are not qualified
when called on to think and provide for themselves ;
and their inexperience, their ignorance and bigotry
make them instruments often, in the hands of the
Bonapartes and Iturbides, to defeat their own rights
and purposes. This is the present situation of Eu
rope and Spanish America. But it is not desperate.
The light which has been shed on mankind by the
art of printing, has eminently changed the condition
270 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
of the world. As yet, that light has dawned on the
middling classes only of the men in Europe. The
kings and the rabble, of equal ignorance, have not
yet received its rays ; but it continues to spread, and
while printing is preserved, it can no more recede
than the sun return on his course. A first attempt
to recover the right of self-government may fail, so
may a second, a third, &c. But as a younger and
more instructed race comes on, the sentiment be
comes more and more intuitive, and a fourth, a fifth,
or some subsequent one of the ever renewed attempts
will ultimately succeed. In France, the first effort
was defeated by Robespierre, the second by Bona
parte, the third by Louis XVIII. and his holy allies :
another is yet to come, and all Europe, Russia ex-
cepted, has caught the spirit ; and all will attain re
presentative government, more or less perfect. This
is now well understood to be a necessary check on
kings, whom they will probably think it more pru
dent to chain and tame, than to exterminate. To
attain all this, however, rivers of blood must yet flow,
and years of desolation pass over ; yet the object is
worth rivers of blood, and years of desolation. For
what inheritance so valuable, can man leave to his
posterity ? The spirit of the Spaniard, and his deadly
and eternal hatred to a Frenchman, give me much
confidence that he will never submit, but finally de
feat this atrocious violation of the laws of God and
man, under which he is suffering ; and the wisdom
and firmness of the Cortes, afford reasonable hope,
that that nation will settle down in a temperate re-
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 271
preservative government, with an executive properly
subordinated to that. Portugal, Italy, Prussia, Ger
many, Greece, will follow suit. You and I shall look
down from another world on these glorious achieve
ments to man, which will add to the joys even of
heaven.
I observe your toast of Mr. Jay on the 4th of July,
wherein you say that the omission of his signature to
the Declaration of Independence was by accident. Our
impressions as to this fact being different, I shall be
glad to have mine corrected, if wrong. Jay, you
know, had been in constant opposition to our labor
ing majority. Our estimate at the time was, that he,
Dickinson and Johnson of Maryland, by their inge
nuity, perseverance and partiality to our English
connection, had constantly kept us a year behind
where we ought to have been in our preparations
and proceedings. From about the date of the Vir
ginia instructions of May the i5th, 1776, to declare
Independence, Mr. Jay absented himself from Con
gress, and never came there again until December,
1 778. Of course, he had no part in the discussions or
decision of that question. The instructions to their
Delegates by the Convention of New York, then sit
ting, to sign the Declaration, were presented to Con
gress on the 1 5th of July only, and on that day the
journals show the absence of Mr. Jay, by a letter re
ceived from him, as they had done as early as the
29th of May by another letter. And I think he had
been omitted by the convention on a new election of
Delegates, when they changed their instructions.
272 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
Of this last fact, however, having no evidence but an
ancient impression, I shall not affirm it. But whether
so or not, no agency of accident appears in the case.
This error of fact, however, whether yours or mine,
is of little consequence to the public. But truth being
as cheap as error, it is as well to rectify it for our own
satisfaction.
I have had a fever of about three weeks, during
the last and preceding month, from which I am en
tirely recovered except as to strength.
TO JOHN ADAMS. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, October 12, 1823.
DEAR SIR, — I do not write with the ease which
your letter of September the i8th supposes. Crip
pled wrists and fingers make writing slow and labori
ous. But while writing to you, I lose the sense of
these things in the recollection of ancient times, when
youth and health made happiness out of everything.
I forget for a while the hoary winter of age, when we
can think of nothing but how to keep ourselves warm,
and how to get rid of our heavy hours until the
friendly hand of death shall rid us of all at once.
Against this tedium vitce, however, I am fortunately
mounted on a hobby, which, indeed, I should have
better managed some thirty or forty years ago ; but
whose easy amble is still sufficient to give exercise
and amusement to an octogenary rider. This is
the establishment of a University, on a scale more
comprehensive, and in a country more healthy and
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 273
central than our old William and Mary, which these
obstacles have long kept in a state of languor and
inefficiency. But the tardiness with which such
works proceed, may render it doubtful whether I
shall live to see it go into action.
Putting aside these things, however, for the pre
sent, I write this letter as due to a friendship coeval
with our government, and now attempted to be
poisoned, when too late in life to be replaced by
new affections. I had for sometime observed in the
public papers, dark hints and mysterious inuendoes
of a correspondence of yours with a friend, to whom
you had opened your bosom without reserve, and
which was to be made public by that friend or his
representative. And now it is said to be actually
published. It has not yet reached us, but extracts
have been given, and such as seemed most likely to
draw a curtain of separation between you and myself.
Were there no other motive than that of indignation
against the author of this outrage on private confi
dence, whose shaft seems to have been aimed at
yourself more particularly, this would make it the
duty of every honorable mind to disappoint that aim,
by opposing to its impression a seven-fold shield of
apathy and insensibility. With me, however, no such
armor is needed. The circumstances of the times in
which we have happened to live, and the partiality
of our friends at a particular period, placed us in a
state of apparent opposition, which some might sup
pose to be personal also ; and there might not be
wanting those who wished to make it so, by filling
274 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
our ears with malignant falsehoods, by dressing up
hideous phantoms of their own creation, presenting
them to you under my name, to me under yours, and
endeavoring to instil into our minds things concern
ing each other the most destitute of truth. And if
there had been, at any time, a moment when we were
off our guard, and in a temper to let the whispers of
these people make us forget what we had known of
each other for so many years, and years of so much
trial, yet all men who have attended to the workings
of the human mind, who have seen the false colors
under which passion sometimes dresses the actions
and motives of others, have seen also those passions
subsiding with time and reflection, dissipating like
mists before the rising sun, and restoring to us the
sight of all things in their true shape and colors. It
would be strange indeed, if, at our years, we were to
go back an age to hunt up imaginary or forgotten
facts, to disturb the repose of affections so sweeten
ing to the evening of our lives. Be assured, my dear
Sir, that I am incapable of receiving the slightest
impression from the effort now made to plant thorns
on the pillow of age, worth and wisdom, and to sow
tares between friends who have been such for near
half a century. Beseeching you then, not to suffer
your mind to be disquieted by this wicked attempt to
poison its peace, and praying you to throw it by
among the things which have never happened, I add
sincere assurances of my unabated and constant at
tachment, friendship and respect.
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON, 275
TO JAMES MADISON. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Oct. 1 8. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I return you Mr. Coxe's letter which has cost me
much time at two or three different attempts to decypherit. Had
I such a correspondent I should certainly admonish him that if
he would not so far respect my time as to write to me legibly, I
should so far respect it myself as not to waste it in decomposing
and recomposing his hieroglyphics.
The jarrings between the friends of Hamilton and Pickering
will be of advantage to the cause of truth. It will denudate the
monarchism of the former and justify our opposition to him, and
the malignity of the latter which nullifies his testimony in all
•cases which his passion can discolor. God bless you, and pre
serve you many years.
TO JAMES MONROE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Oct. 19. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I forward you the inclosed letter on the same
ground on which it is addressed to me, and not that Duane has
any moral claims on us. His defection from the republican ranks,
his transition to the Federalists, and giving triumph, in an import
ant state, to wrong over right, have dissolved, of his own seeking,
his connection with us. Yet the energy of his press, when our
cause was laboring, and all but lost, under the overwhelming
weight of it's powerful adversaries, it's unquestionable effect in
the revolution produced in the public mind, which arrested the
rapid march of our government towards monarchy, overweigh in
fact the demerit of his desertion, when we had become too strong
to suffer from it sensibly. He is in truth the victim of passions
which his principles were not strong enough to controul. Altho
therefore we are not bound to clothe him with the best robe, to
put a ring on his finger, and to kill the fatted calf for him, yet
neither should we leave him to eat husks with the swine. His
advocate may look too high when he talks of the Post office ; but
if some more secondary birth should be vacant (as Depy collec
tor, Inspector, Nav. officer) something which would feed and
276 THE WRITINGS OF [1825
cover him decently, I am persuaded it would be a gratification to
the old republicans, who do not feel that all he has done is can
celled by one false step. As to any particular demerits towards
yourself, without recollecting them, I am sure you were above
their infliction, & the more so as he was then fighting openly in
the ranks of the enemy. But all this is left to your own feelings
and reflection, being written only 'ut valeat quantum valere
potest.' Dios guarde a Vm muchos anos.1
1 Jefferson later wrote to Monroe :
MONTO. July 2. 24.
DEAR SIR, — I took the liberty some time last fall of placing Mr. Duane
under your notice, should anything occur adapted to his qualifns and to his
situation which I understood to be needy in the extreme. His talents and
informn are certainly great, and the services he rendered us when we needed
them and his personal sacrifices and sufferings were signal and efficacious and
left on us a moral duty not to forget him under misfortune. His subsequent
aberrations were after we were too strong to be injured by them. I have lately
reed, a letter from him, which I inclose because it will better shew his pro
spects of distress and anxieties for relief than anything I could say. Whether
the latter may too much influence his reasonable hopes, you are the proper
judge. If they do, his former merits will still claim a recollection on any
proper occasion which may occur. I perform a duty in communicating his
wish, yours will be to weigh it's relations to the public service. I congratulate
you on the return of repose after a campaign so agitating as the late one. Your
nephew who was so kind as to call on me a day or two ago, gave me hopes we
should see you here. During the summer or early autumn I have a visit to
Bedford in contempln, the time of which is quite immaterial, and could I pre
viously know when that of your visit to Albermarle will probably be, 1 should
so arrange mine as not to miss the pleasure of seeing you here. I salute you
with sincere & affectionate respect.
He also wrote to Duane :
MONTICELLO May 31. 24.
DEAR SIR, — I received a few days ago a pamphlet on the subject of America,
England and the Holy alliance, and read it with unusual interest and concur
rence of opn. It furnished a simple and satisfy key for the solution of all the
riddles of British conduct & policy. While considering and conjecturing who
could be its author, I happened to cast my eye on the few words of superscrip
tion, and th5t the handwriting not unknown to me. I turned to my letters of
correspdce. and found it's tally which left me no longer at a loss to whom my
thanks should be addressed, and to return these thanks is the object of this
letter. In Nov. last I received a letter from some friend of yours who chose to
be anonymous, suggesting that your situation might be bettered and the govern-
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 277
TO JAMES MONROE. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, October 24, 1823.
DEAR SIR, — The question presented by the letters you have
sent me, is the most momentous which has ever beea offered to
my contemplation sjnce that of Independence.^ That made us >
nation, this sets our compass and points the course which we are
to steer through the ocean of time opening on us. And never
could we embark on it under circumstances more auspicious.
Our first and fundamental maxim should be, never to entangle
ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our second, never to suffer
Europe to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North
and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe,
and peculiarly her own. She should therefore have a system of
her own, separate and apart from that of Europe. While the last
is laboring to become the domicil of despotism, our endeavor
should surely be, to make our hemisphere that of freedom. One
nation, most of all, could disturb us in this pursuit ; she now
offers to lead, aid, and accompany us in it. By acceding to her
proposition, we detach her from the bands, bring her mighty
weight into the scale of free government, and emancipate a con
tinent at one stroke, which might otherwise Linger long in doubt
and difficulty. Great Britain is the nation which can do us the
most harm of any one, or all on earth ; and with her on our Md«
we need not fear the whole world. With her then, we should
most sedulously cherish a cordial Iriend ship ; and nothing would
tend more to knit our affections than to be fighting once more,
side by side, in the same cause. Not that I would purchase even
her amity at the price of taking part in her wars. But the war
ment advantaged by availing itself of your services in some line. I immediately
wrote to a friend whose situation enabled him to attend to this. I have received
no answer but hope it is kept in view. I am long since withdrawn from the
political world, think little, read less, and know all but nothing of what is
going on ; but I have not forgotten the past nor those who were fellow-laborers
in the gloomy hours of federal ascendancy when the spirit of republicanism was
beaten down, its votaries arraigned as criminals, and such threats denounced as
posterity would never believe. My means of service are slender ; but such as
they are, if you can make them useful to you in any sollicitn. they shall be
sincerely employed. In the mean time, I assure you my continued frdshp &
respect.
278 THE WRITINGS OF [182$
in which the present proposition might engage us, should that
be its consequence, is not her war, but ours. Its object is to
introduce and establish the American system, of keeping out of
our land all foreign powers, of never permitting those of Europe
to intermeddle with the affairs of our nations. It is to maintain
our own principle, not to depart from it. And if, to facilitate
this, we can effect a division in the body of the European powers,
and draw over to our side its most powerful member, surely we
should do it. But I am clearly of Mr. Canning's opinion, that
it will prevent instead of provoking war. With Great Britain
withdrawn from their scale and shifted into that of our two con
tinents, all Europe combined would not undertake such a war.
For how would they propose to get at either enemy without su
perior fleets ? Nor is the occasion to be slighted which this
proposition offers, of declaring our protest against the atrocious
violations of the rights of nations, by the interference of any one
in the internal affairs of another, so flagitiously begun by Bona
parte, and now continued by the equally lawless Alliance, calling
itself Holy.
But we have first to ask ourselves a question. Do we wish to
acquire to our own confederacy any one or more of the Spanish
provinces ? I candidly confess, that I have ever looked on Cuba
as the most interesting addition which could ever be made to our
system of States. The control which, with Florida Point, this
island would give us over the Gulf of Mexico, and the countries
and isthmus bordering on it, as well as all those whose waters
flow into it, would fill up the measure of our political well-being.
Yet, as I am sensible that this can never be obtained, even with
her own consent, but by war ; and its independence, which is our
second interest, (and especially its independence of England,) can
be secured without it, I have no hesitation in abandoning my first
wish to future chances, and accepting its independence, with
peace and the friendship of England, rather than its association,
at the expense of war and her enmity.
I could honestly, therefore, join in the declaration proposed,
that we aim not at the acquisition of any of those possessions,
that we will not stand in the way of any amicable arrangement
between them and the mother country ; but that we will oppose,
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 279
with all our means, the forcible interposition of any other power,
as auxiliary, stipendiary, or under any other form or pretext, and
most especially, their transfer to any power by conquest, cession,
or acquisition in any other way. I should think it, therefore,
advisable, that the Executive should encourage the British gov
ernment to a continuance in the dispositions expressed in these
letters, by an assurance of his concurrence with them as far as his
authority goes ; and that as it may lead to war, the declaration of
which requires an act of Congress, the case shall be laid before
them for consideration at their first meeting, and under the rea
sonable aspect in which it is seen by himself.
I have been so long weaned from political subjects, and have
so long ceased to take any interest in them, that I am sensible I
am not qualified to offer opinions on them worthy of any atten
tion. But the question now proposed involves consequences so
lasting, and effects so decisive of our future destinies, as to re
kindle all the interest I have heretofore felt on such occasions,
and to induce me to the hazard of opinions, which will prove
only my wish to contribute still my mite towards anything which
may be useful to our country. And praying you to accept it at
only what it is worth, I add the assurance of my constant and
affectionate friendship and respect.
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, November 4, 1823.
MY DEAR FRIEND, — Two dislocated wrists and crip
pled fingers have rendered writing so slow and labor-
rious, as to oblige me to withdraw from nearly all
correspondence ; not however, from yours, while I
can make a stroke with a pen. We have gone
through too many trying scenes together, to forget
the sympathies and affections they nourished.
Your trials have indeed been long and severe.
When they will end, is yet unknown, but where they
a8o THE WRITINGS OF [1823
will end, cannot be doubted. Alliances, Holy or
Hellish, may be formed, and retard the epoch of
deliverance, may swell the rivers of blood which are
yet to flow, but their own will close the scene, and
leave to mankind the right of self-government. I
trust that Spain will prove, that a nation cannot be
conquered which determines not to be so, and that
her success will be the turning of the tide of liberty,
no more to be arrested by human efforts. Whether
the state of society in Europe can bear a republican
government, I doubted, you know, when with you,
and I do now. A hereditary chief, strictly limited,
the right of war vested in the legislative body, a rigid
economy of the public contributions, and absolute in
terdiction of all useless expenses, will go far towards
keeping the government honest and unoppressive.-
But the only security of all is in a free press. The
force of public opinion cannot be resisted, when per
mitted freely to be expressed. The agitation it pro
duces must be submitted to. It is necessary, to keep
the waters pure.
We are all, for example, in agitation even in our
peaceful country. For in peace as well as in war, the
mind must be kept in motion. Who is to be the next
President, is the topic here of every conversation.
My opinion on that subject is what I expressed to
you in my last letter. The question will be ulti
mately reduced to the northernmost and southern
most candidate. The former will get every federal
vote in the Union, and many republicans ; the latter,
all of those denominated of the old school ; for you are
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 281
not to believe that these two parties are amalgam
ated, that the lion and the lamb are lying down to
gether. The Hartford Convention, the victory of
Orleans, the peace of Ghent, prostrated the name
of federalism. Its votaries abandoned it through
shame and mortification ; and now call themselves
republicans. But the name alone is changed, the
principles are the same. For in truth, the parties of
Whig and Tory, are those of nature. They exist in
all countries, whether called by these names, or by
those of Aristocrats and Democrats, Cote* Droite and
Cote* Gauche, Ultras and Radicals, Serviles, and Lib
erals. The sickly, weakly, timid man, fears the peo
ple, and is a tory by nature. The healthy, strong
and bold, cherishes them, and is formed a whig by
nature. On the eclipse of federalism with us, al
though not its extinction, its leaders got up the Mis
souri question, under the false front of lessening the
measure of slavery, but with the real view of produc
ing a geographical division of parties, which might
insure them the next President. The people of the
north went blindfold into the snare, followed their
leaders for awhile with a zeal truly moral and laud
able, until they became sensible that they were injur
ing instead of aiding the real interests of the slaves,
that they had been used merely as tools for election
eering purposes ; and that trick of hypocrisy then fell
as quickly as it had been got up. To that is now
succeeding a distinction, which, like that of republican
and federal, or whig and tory, being equally inter
mixed through every State, threatens none of those
282 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
geographical schisms which go immediately to a sep
aration. The line of division now, is the preserva
tion of State rights as reserved in the constitution, or
by strained constructions of that instrument, to merge
all into a consolidated government. The tories are
for strengthening the executive and general Govern
ment ; the whigs cherish the representative branch,
and the rights reserved by the States, as the bulwark
against consolidation, which must immediately gen
erate monarchy. And although this division excites,
as yet, no warmth, yet it exists, is well understood,
and will be a principle of voting at the ensuing elec
tion, with the reflecting men of both parties.
I thank you much for the two books you were so
kind as to send me by Mr. Gallatin. Miss Wright
had before favored me with the first edition of her
American work ; but her " Few days in Athens,"
was entirely new, and has been a treat to me of the
highest order. The manner and matter of the dia
logue is strictly ancient ; and the principles of the
sects are beautifully and candidly explained and con
trasted ; and the scenery and portraiture of the inter
locutors are of higher finish than anything in that
line left us by the ancients ; and like Ossian, if not
ancient, it is equal to the best morsels of antiquity.
I augur, from this instance, that Herculaneum is
likely to furnish better specimens of modern than of
ancient genius ; and may we not hope more from the
same pen ?
After much sickness, and the accident of a broken
and disabled arm, I am again in tolerable health, but
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 283
extremely debilitated, so as to be scarcely able to
walk into my garden. The hebetude of age, too, and
extinguishment of interest in the things around me,
are weaning me from them and dispose me with cheer
fulness to resign them to the existing generation,
satisfied that the daily advance of science will enable
them to administer the commonwealth with increased
wisdom. You have still many valuable years to give
to your country, and with my prayers that they may
be years of health and happiness, and especially that
they may see the establishment of the principles of
government which you have cherished through life,
accept the assurance of my affectionate and constant
friendship and respect.
TO JAMES MADISON. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Nov. 1$. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I return your letter to the President & that of Mr.
Rush to you with thanks for the communication. The 1 matters
which Mr. Rush states as under considn with the British govmt
are verily interesting. But that about the navigation of the St.
Lawrence & Misspi. I would rather they would let alone. The
navign. of the former, since the N. Y. canal, is of too little in
terest to be cared about, that of the latter too serious on account
of the inlet it would give to British smuggling and British tam
pering with the Indians. It would be an entering wedge to
incalculable mischief, a powerful agent towds. separating the
states.
1 " to wit. I. Our commercial intercourse embracing navign of St. Lawrence
& Missipi.
2. Suppression of slave trade.
3. Northern boundary.
4. Fisheries on W. coast of N. F-land.
5. Points of Maritime law.
6. Russian Ukase as to N. W. coast of America." T. J.
284 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
I send you the rough draught of the letter I propose to write
to F. Gilmer for your considn. and correction and salute you
affectly.
TO JOHN FRY.
MONTICELLO Dec 2d 23
You have sent me, dear Sir, a noble animal, legitimated by
superior force as a monarch of the Forest ; and he has incurred
the death which his brother legitimates have so much more
merited ; like them, in death, he becomes food for a nobler race,
he for man, they for worms that will revel on them, but he dies
innocent, and with death all his fears and pains are at an end ;
they die loaded with maledictions, and liable to a sentence and
sufferings which we will leave to the justice of heaven to award.
In plain english we shall feast heartily on him, and thank
you heartily as the giver of the feast.
With Assurances of friendly esteem and respect.
TO WILLIAM CARVER. J.MSS.
MONTICELLO, Dec. 4. 23.
I thank you, Sir, for the inedited letter of Thos Paine which
you have been so kind as to send me. I recognise in it the
strong pen and dauntless mind of Common Sense, which, among
the numerous pamphlets written on the same occasion, so pre
eminently united us in our revolutionary opposition.
I return the two numbers of the periodical paper, as they
appear to make part of a regular file. The language of these
is too harsh, more calculated to irritate than to convince or to
persuade. A devoted friend myself to freedom of religious
enquiry and opinion, I am pleased to see others exercise the
right without reproach or censure ; and I respect their conclus
ions, however different from my own. It is their own reason,
not mine, nor that of any other, which has been given them by
their creator for the investigation of truth, and of the evidences
even of those truths which are presented to us as revealed by
himself. Fanaticism, it is true, is not sparing of her invectives
1823] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 285
against those who refuse blindly to follow her dictates in aban
donment of their own reason. For the use of this reason, how
ever, every one is responsible to the God who has planted it in
his breast, as a light for his guidance, and that, by which alone
he will be judged. Yet why retort invectives? It is better
always to set a good example than to follow a bad one.
I received, in due time, the letter you mention of Jan. 27.
and did not answer it, because the pain of writing has obliged
me, for sometime, to withdraw from all correspondence not of
moral and indespensable obligation. The duty of returning the
inclosed papers furnishes the present occasion of tendering you
my friendly and respectful salutations.
TO THOMAS COOPER. j. MSS.
MONTO Dec. ii. 23.
DEAR SIR, — I duly reed your favor of the 23d ult. as also the
2 pamphlets you were so kind as to send me. That on the
tariff I observed was soon reprinted in Ritchie's Enquirer. I
was only sorry he did not postpone it to the meeting of Con
gress when it would have got into the hands of all the members
and could not fail to have great effect, perhaps a decisive one.
It is really an extraordinary proposition that the Agricultural,
mercantile & navigating classes should be taxed to maintain
that of manufactures. That the doctrine of materialism was
that of Jesus himself was a new idea to me. Yet it is proved
unquestionably. We all know it was that of some of the early
Fathers. I hope the physiological part will follow. In spite of
the prevailing fanaticism reason will make it's way. I confess
that it's reign is at present appalling. General education is the
true remedy, and that most happily is now generally encouraged.
The story you mention as gotten up by your opponents of my
having advised the trustees of our University to turn you out as
a Professor is quite in their stile of barefaced mendacity. They
find it so easy to obliterate the reason of mankind that they
think they may enterprize safely on his memory also. For it
was the winter before the last only that our annual report to the
286 THE WRITINGS OF [1823
legislature, printed in the newspapers stated the precise ground
on which we relinquished your engagement with our Central
College. And, if my memory does not deceive me it was on
your own proposition that the time of our getting into operation
being postponed indefinitely, it was important to you not to lose
an opportunity of fixing yourself permanently. And that they
should father on me too the motive for this dismission, than
whom no man living cherishes a higher estimation of your worth,
talents, & information. But so the world goes. Man is fed
with fables thro' life, leaves it in the belief he has known some
thing of what has been passing, when in truth he has known
nothing but what has passed under his own eye. And who are
the great deceivers ? Those who solemnly pretend to be the
depositories of the sacred truths of God himself. I will not
believe that the liberality of the state to which you are render
ing services in science which no other man in the union is
qualified to render it, will suffer you to be in danger from a
set of conjurors. I note what you say of Mr. Finch ; but the
moment of our commencement is as indefinite as it ever was.
Affectionately & respectfully yours.
TO GENERAL ANDREW JACKSON. J.MSS.
MONTO Dec. 18. 23.
DEAR GENERAL, — The apology in your letter of the 8th inst
for not calling on me in your passage thro' our nbhood was quite
unnecessary. The motions of a traveller are always controuled
by so many imperious circumstances that wishes and courte
sies must yield to their sway. It was reported among us, on
I know not what authority, that you would be in Charlsvl on
the ist inst. on your way to Congress. I went there to have
the pleasure of paying you my respects, but after staying some
hours, met with a person lately from Staunton who assured me
you had passed that place & gone on by the way of Winchester. I
comforted myself then with the French adage that what is delayed
is not therefore lost ; and certainly in your passages to & from
Washington should your travelling convenience ever permit a
1824] THOMAS JEFFEKSON. 287
deviation to Monto. I shall receive you with distinguished wel
come. Perhaps our University which you visited in it's unfin
ished state when finished & furnished with it's scientific popln,
may tempt you to make a little stay with us. This will probably
be by the close of the ensuing year, when it may appear to you
worthy of encouraging the youth of your quarter as well as others
to seek there the finishing complement of their education. I
flatter myself it will assume a standing secondary to nothing in
our country. If I live to see this I shall sing with cheerfulness
the song of old Simeon's ' nunc dimittis Domine.'
I recall with pleasure the remembrance of our joint labors while
in Senate together in times of great trial and of hard battling.
Battles indeed of words, not of blood, as those you have since
fought so much for your own glory & that of your country ; with
the assurance that my attaints continue undiminished, accept
that of my great respect & considn.
TO THOMAS JEFFERSON GROTJAN.1
MONTICELLO, Jan. 10, '24.
Your affectionate mother requests that I would address to you,
as a namesake, something which might have a favorable influence
on the course of life you have to run. Few words are necessary,
with good dispositions on your part. Adore God ; reverence
and cherish your parents ; love your neighbor as yourself, and
your country more than life. Be just ; be true ; murmur not at
the ways of Providence — and the life into which you have entered
will be one of eternal and ineffable bliss. Ann if to the dead it
is permitted to care for the things of this world, every action of
your life will be under my regard. Farewell.
TO JOHN DAVIS. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Jan. 18. 24.
I thank you, Sir, for the copy you were so kind as to send me
of the revd. Mr. Bancroft's Unitarian sermons. I have read
them with great satisfaction, and always rejoice in efforts to re-
1 From the Historical Magazine, xviii. . 50.
288 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
store us to primitive Christianity, in all the simplicity in which it
came from the lips of Jesus. Had it never been sophisticated
by the subtleties of Commentators, nor paraphrased into mean
ings totally foreign to it's character, it would at this day have
been the religion of the whole civilized world. But the meta
physical abstractions of Athanasius, and the maniac ravings of
Calvin, tinctured plentifully with the foggy dreams of Plato, have
so loaded it with absurdities and incomprehensibilities, as to drive
into infidelity men who had not time, patience, or opportunity to
strip it of it's meretricious trappings, and to see it in all it's na
tive simplicity and purity. I trust however that the same free
exercise of private judgment which gave us our political reforma
tion will extend it's effects to that of religion, which the present
volume is well calculated to encourage and promote.
Not wishing to give offence to those who differ from me in
opinion, nor to be implicated in a theological controversy, I have
to pray that this letter may not get into print, and to assure you
of my great respect and good will.
TO GEORGE THACHER. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Jan. 26. 24.
SIR, — I have read with much satisfaction the Sermon of Mr.
Pierpoint which you have been so kind as to send to me, and am
much pleased with the spirit of brotherly forbearance in matters
of religion which it breathes, and the sound distinction it incul
cates between the things which belong to us to judge, and those
which do not. If all Christian sects would rally to the Sermon
on the mount, make that the central point of Union in religion,
and the stamp of genuine Christianity, (since it gives us all the
precepts of our duties to one another) why should we further ask,
with the text of our sermon ' What think ye of Christ ? ' And if
one should answer ' he is a member of the God-head,' another
' he is a being of eternal pre-existence,' a third ' he was a man
divinely inspired,' a fourth ' he was the Herald of truths reforma
tory of the religions of mankind in general, but more immediately
of that of his own countrymen, impressing them with more sub-
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 289
lime and more worthy ideas of the Supreme being, teaching
them the doctrine of a future state of rewards and punishments,
and inculcating the love of mankind, instead of the anti-social
spirit with which the Jews viewed all other nations/ what right,
or what interest has either of these respondents to claim pre-emi
nence for his dogma, and, usurping the judgment-seat of God, to
condemn all the others to his wrath ? In this case, I say with the
wiser heathen 'deorum injuriae, diis curse.'
You press me to consent to the publication of my sentiments
and suppose they might have effect even on Sectarian bigotry.
But have they not the Gospel ? If they hear not that, and the
charities it teacheth, neither will they be persuaded though one
rose from the dead. Such is the malignity of religious antipa
thies that, altho' the laws will no longer permit them, with Calvin,
to burn those who are not exactly of their Creed, they raise the
Hue & cry of Heresy against them, place them under the ban of
public opinion, and shut them out from all the kind affections of
society. I must pray permission therefore to continue in quiet
during the short time remaining to me : and, at a time of life when
the afflictions of the body weigh heavily enough, not to superadd
those which corrode the spirit also, and might weaken it's resig
nation to continuance in a joyless state of being which providence
may yet destine. With these sentiments accept those of good
will and respect to yourself.
TO JARED SPARKS. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, February 4, 1824.
DEAR SIR, — I duly received your favor of the i3th, and with
it, the last number of the North American Review. This has
anticipated the one I should receive in course, but have not yet
received, under my subscription to the new series. The article
on the African colonization of the people of color, to which you
invite my attention, I have read with great consideration. It is,
indeed, a fine one, and will do much good. I learn from it more,
too, than I had before known, of the degree of success and prom
ise of that colony.
VOL. X.— 19
29o THE WRITINGS OF [1824
In the disposition of these unfortunate people, there are two
rational objects to be distinctly kept in view. First. The es
tablishment of a colony on the coast of Africa, which may intro
duce among the aborigines the arts of cultivated life, and the
blessings of civilization and science. By doing this, we may
make to them some retribution for the long course of injuries we
have been committing on their population. And considering
that these blessings will descend to the " nati natorum, et qui
nascentur ab illis" we shall in the long run have rendered them
perhaps more good than evil. To fulfil this object, the colony
of Sierra Leone promises well, and that of Mesurado adds to our
prospect of success. Under this view, the colonization society
is to be considered as a missionary society, having in view, how
ever, objects more humane, more justifiable, and less aggressive
on the peace of other nations, than the others of that appellation.
The second object, and the most interesting to us, as coming
home to our physical and moral characters, to our happiness and
safety, is to provide an asylum to which we can, by degrees, send
the whole of that population from among us, and establish them
under our patronage and protection, as a separate, free and inde
pendent people, in some country and climate friendly to human
life and happiness. That any place on the coast of Africa should
answer the latter purpose, I have ever deemed entirely impossible.
And without repeating the other arguments which have been urged
by others, I will appeal to figures only, which admit no contro
versy. I shall speak in round numbers, not absolutely accurate,
yet not so wide from truth as to vary the result materially.
There are in the United States a million and a half of people of
color in slavery. To send off the whole of these at once, no
body conceives to be practicable for us, or expedient for them.
Let us take twenty-five years for its accomplishment, within
which time they will be doubled. Their estimated value as prop
erty, in the first place, (for actual property has been lawfully
vested in that form, and who can lawfully take it from the pos
sessors ?) at an average of two hundred dollars each, young and
old, would amount to six hundred millions of dollars, which must
be paid or lost by somebody. To this, add the cost of their
transportation by land and sea to Mesurado, a year's provision of
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 291
food and clothing, implements of husbandry and of their trades,
which will amount to three hundred millions more, making
thirty-six millions of dollars a year for twenty-five years, with
insurance of peace all that time, and it is impossible to look at
the question a second time. I am aware that at the end of about
sixteen years, a gradual detraction from this sum will commence,
from the gradual diminution of breeders, and go on during the
remaining nine years. Calculate this deduction, and it is still
impossible to look at the enterprise a second time. I do not say
this to induce an inference that the getting rid of them is forever
impossible. For that is neither my opinion nor my hope. But
only that it cannot be done in this way. There is, I think, a
way in which it can be done ; that is, by emancipating the after-
born, leaving them, on due compensation, with their mothers,
until their services are worth their maintenance, and then put
ting them to industrious occupations, until a proper age for de
portation. This was the result of my reflections on the subject
five and forty years ago, and I have never yet been able to con
ceive any other practicable plan. It was sketched in the Notes
on Virginia, under the fourteenth query. The estimated value
of the new-born infant is so low, (say twelve dollars and fifty
cents,) that it would probably be yielded by the owner gratis,
and would thus reduce the six hundred millions of dollars, the
first head of expense, to thirty-seven millions and a half ; leaving
only the expense of nourishment while with the mother, and
of transportation. And from what fund are these expenses to
be furnished ? Why not from that of the lands which have
been ceded by the very States now needing this relief ? And
ceded on no consideration, for the most part, but that of the gen
eral good of the whole. These cessions already constitute one
fourth of the States of the Union. It may be said that these
lands have been sold ; are now the property of the citizens com
posing those States ; and the money long ago received and ex
pended. But an equivalent of lands in the territories since
acquired, maybe appropriated to that object, or so much, at least,
as may be sufficient ; and the object, although more important
to the slave States, is highly so to the others also, if they were
serious in their arguments on the Missouri question. The slave
292 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
States, too, if more interested, would also contribute more by
their gratuitous liberation, thus taking on themselves alone the
first and heaviest item of expense.
In the plan sketched in the Notes on Virginia, no particular
place of asylum was specified ; because it was thought possible,
that in the revolutionary state of America, then commenced,
events might open to us some one within practicable distance.
This has now happened. St. Domingo has become independent,
and with a population of that color only ; and if the public papers
are to be credited, their Chief offers to pay their passage, to re
ceive them as free citizens, and to provide them employment.
This leaves, then, for the general confederacy, no expense but of
nurture with the mother a few years, and would call, of course,
for a very moderate appropriation of the vacant lands. Suppose
the whole annual increase to be of sixty thousand effective births,
fifty vessels, of four hundred tons burthen each, constantly em
ployed in that short run, would carry off the increase of every
year, and the old stock would die off in the ordinary course of
nature, lessening from the commencement until its final disap
pearance. In this way no violation of private right is proposed.
Voluntary surrenders would probably come in as fast as the means
to be provided for their care would be competent to it. Looking
at my own State only, and I presume not to speak for the others,
I verily believe that this surrender of property would not amount
to more, annually, than half our present direct taxes, to be con
tinued fully about twenty or twenty-five years, and then gradually
diminishing for as many more until their final extinction ; and
even this half tax would not be paid in cash, but by the delivery
of an object which they have never yet known or counted as part
of their property ; and those not possessing the object will be called
on for nothing. I do not go into all the details of the burthens
and benefits of this operation. And who could estimate its blessed
effects ? I leave this to those who will live to see their accom
plishment, and to enjoy a beatitude forbidden to my age. But I
leave it with this admonition, to rise and be doing. A million
and a half are within their control ; but six millions, (which a
majority of those now living will see them attain,) and one mil
lion of these fighting men, will say, " we will not go."
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 293
I am aware that this subject involves some constitutional scru
ples. But a liberal construction, justified by the object, may go
far, and an amendment of the constitution, the whole length ne
cessary. The separation of infants from their mothers, too, would
produce some scruples of humanity. But this would be straining
at a gnat, and swallowing a camel.
I am much pleased to see that you have taken up the subject
of the duty on imported books. I hope a crusade will be kept
up against it, until those in power shall become sensible of this
stain on our legislation, and shall wipe it from their code, and from
the remembrance of man, if possible.
I salute you with assurances of high respect and esteem.
TO JAMES MONROE. j. MSS.
MONTO. Feb. 5. 24.
DEAR SIR, — The inclosed letter is from a person entirely un
known to me. Yet it seems to expect a confidence which pru
dence cannot give to a stranger, and as he seems to write under
your authority I take the liberty of confiding my answer to
yourself directly & of returning his paper to you. I do not know
that the publicn of the papers of the old Congress could be ob
jected to, except such as might contain personalities of no conse
quence to history. But care should be taken that they should be
impartially published and not all on one side. We have seen how
false a face may be given to history by the garbling of documents.
And even during the old Congress and in it's body we had our
whigs & tories. Mr. Wagner says that for the present he ackno-
leges no party, and supposes his continuance in office during 6
y. of my admn a proof of his fidelity and impartiality even while
he was a party man. But every one knows that the clerks of the
offices had been appd under federal heads ' and that I never
medled with none of them. His conversion from vehemence to
neutrality, having taken place only since his withdrawing from
the Editorship of the Baltimore Federalist, the proofs of it have
1 " Who appd federalists only and exclusively, that the whole mass of them
were federal."—/1. J.
294 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
not yet reached our part of the country. Yet his word need not
be doubted farther than as we all believe ourselves neutral. He is
certainly capable of the task, and has the advge of being familiar
with the arrangmt of the papers, yet not more so than the gentle
men now in that office & who have been longer in it than he was.
On the whole my opinion is fable to the publicn when it can be
fairly made but that it's want is not so pressing but that it is bet
ter to let it wait till it can be so done as to give to history it's
true face.
I shall be among those most rejoiced at seeing La Fayette
again. But I hope Congress is prepared to go thro' with their
compliment worthily. That they do not mean to invite him
merely to dine, that provision will be made for his expences here^
which you know he cannot afford, and that they will not send
him back empty handed. This would place us under indelible
disgrace in Europe. Some 3. or 4. good townships, in Missouri,
or Louisiana or Alabama &c. should be in readiness for him, and
may restore his family to the opulence which his virtues have lost
to them. I suppose the time of the visit will be left to himself,
as the death of Louis XVIII which has probably taken place or
soon must do will produce a crisis in his own country from which
he could not absent himself by a visit of compliment. Ever &
affectly yours.
TO ROBERT J. GARNETT. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, February 14, 1824.
DEAR SIR, — I have to thank you for the copy of Colonel Tay
lor's New Views of the Constitution, and shall read them with
the satisfaction and edification which I have ever derived from
whatever he has written. But I fear it is the voice of one crying
in the wilderness. Those who formerly usurped the name of
federalists, which, in fact, they never were, have now openly
abandoned it, and are as openly marching by the road of con
struction, in a direct line to that consolidation which was always
their real object. They, almost to a man, are in possession of
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 295
one branch of the government, and appear to be very strong in
yours. The three great questions of amendment now before
you, will give the measure of their strength. I mean, ist, the
limitation of the term of the presidential service ; 2d, the placing
the choice of president effectually in the hands of the people ;
3d, the giving to Congress the power of internal improvement,
on condition that each State's federal proportion of the monies
so expended, shall be employed within the State. The friends
of consolidation would rather take these powers by construction
than accept them by direct investiture from the States. Yet, as
to internal improvement particularly, there is probably not a
State in the Union which would not grant the power on the con
dition proposed, or which would grant it without that.
The best general key for the solution of questions of power
between our governments, is the fact that " every foreign and
federal power is given to the federal government, and to the
States every power purely domestic." I recollect but one in
stance of control vested in the federal, over the State authorities
in a matter purely domestic, which is that of metallic tenders.
The federal is, in truth, our foreign government, which depart
ment alone is taken from the sovereignty of the separate States.
The real friends of the constitution in its federal form, if they
wish it to be immortal, should be attentive, by amendments, to
make it keep pace with the advance of the age in science and
experience. Instead of this, the European governments have re.
sisted reformation, until the people, seeing no other resource, un
dertake it themselves by force, their only weapon, and work it
out through blood, desolation and long-continued anarchy. Here
it will be by large fragments breaking off, and refusing re-union
but on condition of amendment, or perhaps permanently. If I
can see these three great amendments prevail, I shall consider it
as a renewed extension of the term of our lease, shall live in
more confidence, and die in more hope. And I do trust that the
republican mass, which Colonel Taylor justly says is the real
federal one, is still strong enough to carry these truly federo-re-
publican amendments. With my prayers for the issue, accept
my friendly and respectful salutations.
296 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
TO JAMES MONROE. j. MSS.
MONTO. Feb. 20. 24.
DEAR SIR, — The multiplied sollicitns to interest myself with
you for applicants for office have been uniformly refused by me.
In a few cases only where facts have been within my knolege, I
have not been able to refuse stating them as a witness, which I
have made it a point to do so drily as that you might understand
that I took no particular interest in the case. In a conversn
with you however at the Oakhill some two or three years ago, I
mentioned to you that there would be one single case, and but
one in the whole world into which I should go with my whole
heart and soul, and ask as if it were for myself. It was that when
ever the Post office or Collector's office at Richmd. either of them
should become vacant, you would name Colo. B. Peyton to it, and
preferably to the P. O. if both were to be vacant. The incumbents
have for years been thought ready for their exit, and Foushee
stated to be now at death's door, yet I would not ask this were
there a man in the world more capable, more diligent or more
honest than Peyton, one of higher worth or more general favor or
to whom I would give it myself in preference to him. He is all
this, and I will be responsible that his nomination will not only
be a general gratificn, but I believe a more general one than any
other not only to the vicinage but to the legislature & to the state
for he is very generally known having been a captain in the late
war and since that a Commn merch. of uncommon esteem. To
me it will be a supreme gratifn for I look on him with almost the
eyes of a father. I know you will be most strongly sollicited for
others, and those too of unexceptionable merit and great interest.
I will say boldly however for no one who will execute the office
more faithfully & diligently or with more comity than Peyton.1
Grant me this, and as I never have, so I never will again put your
friendship to the trial as for myself. I inform Peyton that I have
1 As regards this appointment, Jefferson wrote Richard Rush :
" Among the duties of your present station you will find the most painful to
be that of appmt to office. To 20 applicns 19. negatives must be given, and
what word in our language is so difficult to be pronounced as no ? On retiremt
from office myself, knowing how much I should be harrassed to sollicit for
others, I came to a determination to say no at once, and to all. I could not in-
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 297
written to you, and desire him at the moment of the occurrence to
address a letter to yourself directly that no time may be lost by it's
passing thro' me, for not a moment will be lost by others, and the
earlier the notice to you, the sooner you may be able to preclude
other importunities. I salute you with constant affection & respect.
deed refuse to say when required what I knew of an applicant, but made it a
point to accompany that with no request or sollicitn from myself. I departed
from my rule in one case only. I asked but did not obtain. It was for Colo. B.
Peyton of Richmond for whom I entertained a very sincere frdshp. He
was a meritorious officer in our late war, honest, capable, active and attentive
to business, kind to all, and beloved by all, with a family fast growing on his
hands and nothing to provide for them but his own industry. His line was that
of commns business which he still follows. Particular circumstances had inter
ested me highly in his favor. There were two offices in Richmd either of
which would have put him at ease. The one was that of P. M. the incumbent
of which had recently died, and I asked it for him with the same earnestness as
if for myself and on the ground of my having never before asked anything from
thegovmt personally. It was given to another. The other office is that of the
collector of the port of Richmd. now held by Majr. Gibson, as worthy a man
as could hold it, and one whom no one would ever wish to see withdrawn. But
he is now advanced in years and in a very low state of health. He is at pres
ent gone to the springs to recruit if possible and I wish he may, but it is not
expected. Should anything happen to him it would be a 2d chance given me
of getting something done for my friend Peyton. This is within your deptmt,
and to you therefore I address my request to think of him on that event, and if
no moral considn gives a higher claim to any other, give it to him, if only for
my sake. Notwithstdg Gibson's ill health however my own and my age gives
me no right to expect to be the survivor of the two. In that case I bequeath
my friend as a legacy to you. And I pray you to be assured of my best affec
tion & respect."
He seems to have felt this refusal keenly, for he had previously written to
Leiper :
" MONTO [Oct. 27, 24].
" My GOOD FRIEND, — Since my solicitation of July 22. at your request the
ground on which I stand is entirely changed, and it is become impossible forme
to ask anything further from the govmt. I cannot explain this to you, and
even request you not to mention the fact. I should not have said it to you, but
that I cannot offer you false excuses. My frdshp for you is the same, but this
method of proving it is no longer in my power. Be assured of my constant &
affect6 attmt."
See also the letter to Monroe of July 18, 1824, and to Leiper of Dec. 6, 1824.
298 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
TO JAMES MONROE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Mar. 27. 24.
DEAR SIR, — I receive Mr. Livingston's question through you
with kindness and answer it without hesitation. He may be as
sured I have not a spark of unfriendly feeling towards him. In
all the earlier scenes of life we thought and acted together. We
differed in opinion afterwards on a single point. Each main
tained his opinion, as he had a right, and acted on it as he ought.
But why brood over a single difference, and forget all our previ
ous harmonies? Difference of opinion was never, with me, a
motive of separation from a friend, In the trying times of fed
eralism, I never left a friend. Many left me, have since returned,
and been received with open arms. Mr. Livingston would now
be received at Monticello with as hearty a welcome as he would
have been in 1800. The case with Mr. Adams was much
stronger. Fortune had disjointed our first affections, and placed
us in opposition in every point. This separated us for a while.
But on the first intimation thro' a friend, we re-embraced with
cordiality, recalled our antient feelings and dispositions, and
every thing was forgotten but our first sympathies. I bear ill-will
to no human being.
Another item of your letter fills my heart with thankfulness.
With the other competitor it is an imaginary want, a mere change
of lounge, to fill up the vacancies of mind. Ever affectionately
and respectfully yours.
TO THOMAS LEIPER. J. MSS.
MONTO. Apr. 3. 24.
I am really done, my friend, with Politics, notwithstanding the
doubts you express in your favor of Mar. 16. There is a time
for everything, for acting in this world, and for getting ready to
leave it. The last is now come upon me. You, I hope, will hold
out as long as you can, because what you do, I know will always
be done for the good of our fellow-men. With respect to the
European combins against the rights of man I join an honest
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 299
Irishman of my nbhood in his 4th of July toast " the Holy alli
ance, to Hell the whole of them."
In the Presidential election I am entirely passive. The pre
tended letter of mine to which you allude is a faithless travestie
of what I really wrote. That was addressed to a friend, who had
sollicited my thoughts on the subject. It expressed no preference
of any and in terms which could give offence to none. He incau
tiously read the letter to a zealous partisan, who published it
from memory and with perversions of terms adapted to his own
wishes. I am truly sorry to see the foolish and wicked paragraph
from a Richmond paper which you inclosed me. The frdly dis
positions which have so long prevailed between Pensve & Virge
and which have been so salutary to republican principles and
govmt, are not I hope to be ruffled by a paper recently set up,
and which if conducted in the spirit of that paragraph will as
certainly be soon put down. These states happen at present to
differ in the object of their choice. Both favorites are republican,
both will administer the govmt honestly, which with the most
wisdom each state has a right to hope for itself. But such a dif
ference, between thinking and rational men should excite no
more feeling than a difference of faces ; and seeing as I do, the
permanence of our union hanging on the harmony of Pennsva &
Virge, I hope that will continue as long as our govmt continues
to be a blessing to mankind. To yourself long life, long health
& prosperity.
TO EDWARD LIVINGSTON. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, April 4, 1824.
DEAR SIR, — It was with great pleasure I learned that the good
people of New Orleans had restored you again to the councils of
our country. I did not doubt the aid it would bring to the re
mains of our old school in Congress, in which your early labors
had been so useful. You will find, I suppose, on revisiting our
maritime States, the names of things more changed than the
things themselves ; that though our old opponents have given up
their appellation, they have not, in assuming ours, abandoned
their views, and that they are as strong nearly as they ever were.
300 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
These cares, however, are no longer mine. I resign myself cheer
fully to the managers of the ship, and the more contentedly, as I
am near the end of my voyage. I have learned to be less confi
dent in the conclusions of human reason, and give more credit to
the honesty of contrary opinions. The radical idea of the char
acter of the constitution of our government, which I have adopted
as a key in cases of doubtful construction, is, that the whole field
of government is divided into two departments, domestic and
foreign, (the States in their mutual relations being of the latter ; )
that the former department is reserved exclusively to the respect
ive States within their own limits, and the latter assigned to a
separate set of functionaries, constituting what may be called the
foreign branch, which, instead of a federal basis, is established as
a distinct government quoad hoc, acting as the domestic branch
does on the citizens directly and coercively ; that these depart
ments have distinct directories, co-ordinate, and equally inde
pendent and supreme, each within its own sphere of action.
Whenever a doubt arises to which of these branches a power be
longs, I try it by this test. I recollect no case where a question
simply between citizens of the same State, has been transferred
to the foreign department, except that of inhibiting tenders but
of metallic money, and ex post facto legislation. The causes of
these singularities are well remembered.
I thank you for the copy of your speech on the question of
national improvement, which I have read with great pleasure,
and recognize in it those powers of reasoning and persuasion of
which I had formerly seen from you so many proofs. Yet, in
candor, I must say it has not removed, in my mind, all the diffi
culties of the question. And I should really be alarmed at a dif
ference of opinion with you, and suspicious of my own, were it
not that I have, as companions in sentiments, the Madisons, the
Monroes, the Randolphs, the Macons, all good men and true, of
primitive principles. In one sentiment of the speech I particu
larly concur. " If we have a doubt relative to any power, we
ought not to exercise it." When we consider the extensive and
deep-seated opposition to this assumption, the conviction enter
tained by so many, that this deduction of powers by elaborate
construction prostrates the rights reserved to the States, the diffi-
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 301
culties with which it will rub along in the course of its exercise ;
that changes of majorities will be changing" the system back
wards and forwards, so that no undertaking under it will be safe ;
that there is not a State in the Union which would not give the
power willingly, by way of amendment, with some little guard,
perhaps, against abuse ; I cannot but think it would be the wisest
course to ask an express grant of the power. A government held
together by the bands of reason only, requires much compromise
of opinion ; that things even salutary should not be crammed
down the throats of dissenting brethren, especially when they
may be put into a form to be willingly swallowed, and that a
great deal of indulgence is necessary to strengthen habits of har
mony and fraternity. In such a case, it seems to me it would be
safer and wiser to ask an express grant of the power. This
would render its exercise smooth and acceptable to all, and in
sure to it all the facilities which the States could contribute, to
prevent that kind of abuse which all will fear, because all know
it is so much practised in public bodies, I mean the bartering of
votes. It would reconcile every one, if limited by the proviso,
that the federal proportion of each State should be expended
within the State. With this single security against partiality
and corrupt bargaining, I suppose there is not a State, perhaps
not a man in the Union, who would not consent to add this to
the powers of the general government. But age has weaned me
from questions of this kind. My delight is now in the passive
occupation of reading ; and it is with great reluctance I permit
my mind ever to encounter subjects of difficult investigation.
You have many years yet to come of vigorous activity, and I
confidently trust they will be employed in cherishing every
measure which may foster our brotherly union, and perpetuate a
constitution of government destined to be the primitive and pre
cious model of what is to change the condition of man over the
globe. With this confidence, equally strong in your powers and
purposes, I pray you to accept the assurance of my cordial esteem
and respect.
302 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
TO JOHN HAMBDEN PLEASANTS. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, April ig, 1824.
DEAR SIR, — I received in due time your favor of the 1 2th, re
questing my opinion on the proposition to call a convention for
amending the constitution of the State. That this should not be
perfect cannot be a subject of wonder, when it is considered that
ours was not only the first of the American States, but the first
nation in the world, at least within the records of history, which
peaceably by its wise men, formed on free deliberation, a consti
tution of government for itself, and deposited it in writing, among
their archives, always ready and open to the appeal of every citi
zen. The other States, who successively formed constitutions
for themselves also, had the benefit of our outline, and have made
on it, doubtless, successive improvements. One in the very out
set, and which has been adopted in every subsequent constitu
tion, was to lay its foundation in the authority of the nation. To
our convention no special authority had been delegated by the
people to form a permanent constitution, over which their suc
cessors in legislation should have no powers of alteration. They
had been elected for the ordinary purposes of legislation only,
and at a time when the establishment of a new government had
not been proposed or contemplated. Although, therefore, they
gave to this act the title of a constitution, yet it could be no more
than an act of legislation, subject, as their other acts were, to al
teration by their successors. It has been said, indeed, that the
acquiescence of the people supplied the want of original power.
But it is a dangerous lesson to say to them " whenever your
functionaries exercise unlawful authority over you, if you do
not go into actual resistance, it will be deemed acquiescence and
confirmation." How long had we acquiesced under usurpations
of the British parliament ? Had that confirmed them in right,
and made our revolution a wrong ? Besides, no authority has
yet decided whether this resistance must be instantaneous ; when
the right to resist ceases, or whether it has yet ceased. Of the
twenty-four States now organized, twenty-three have disapproved
our doctrine and example, and have deemed the authority of
their people a necessary foundation for a constitution.
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 303
Another defect which has been corrected by most of the States
is, that the basis of our constitution is in opposition to the princi
ple of equal political rights, refusing to all but freeholders any
participation in the natural right of self-government. It is be
lieved, for example, that a very great majority of the militia, on
whom the burthen of military duty was imposed in the late war,
were men unrepresented in the legislation which imposed this
burthen on them. However nature may by mental or physical
disqualifications have marked infants and the weaker sex for the
protection, rather than the direction of government, yet among
the men who either pay or fight for their country, no line of
right can be drawn. The exclusion of a majority of our free
men from the right of representation is merely arbitrary, and an
usurpation of the minority over the majority ; for it is believed
that the non-freeholders compose the majority of our free and
adult male citizens.
And even among our citizens who participate in the repre
sentative privilege, the equality of political rights is entirely pros
trated by our constitution. Upon which principle of right or
reason can any one justify the giving to every citizen of War
wick as much weight in the government as to twenty-two equal
citizens in Loudon, and similar inequalities among the other
counties? If these fundamental principles are of no importance
in actual government, then no principles are important, and it is
as well to rely on the dispositions of an administration, good or
evil, as on the provisions of a constitution.
I shall not enter into the details of smaller defects, although
others there doubtless are, the reformation of some of which
might very much lessen the expenses of government, improve its
organization, and add to the wisdom and purity of its adminis
tration in all its parts ; but these things I leave to others, not per
mitting myself to take sides in the political questions of the day.
I willingly acquiesce in the institutions of my country, perfect or
imperfect ; and think it a duty to leave their modifications to
those who are to live under them, and are to participate of the
good or evil they may produce. The present generation has the
same right of self-government which the past one has exercised
for itself. And those in the full vigor of body and mind are
304 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
more able to judge for themselves than those who are sinking
under the wane of both. If the sense of our citizens on the
question of a convention can be fairly and fully taken, its result
will, I am sure, be wise and salutary ; and far from arrogating
the office of advice, no one will more passively acquiesce in it
than myself. Retiring, therefore, to the tranquillity called for by
increasing years and debility, I wish not to be understood as in
termeddling in this question ; and to my prayers for the general
good, I have only to add assurances to yourself of my great esteem.
TO RICHARD RUSH. j. MSS.
MONTO. June 5. 24.
DEAR SIR, — Taking for granted this will reach you while Mr.
Gilmer is still in England, I take the liberty of putting a letter for
him under the protection of your cover to ensure it's safe receipt
by him. Should it however by any accident loiter on the way un
til he should be on his return, I will request of you to open the
letter to him and to take out and have delivered to majr. Cart-
wright one it covers addressed to him, and which otherwise I
would have wished Mr. Gilmer to deliver personally.
Congress has just risen, having done nothing remarkable ex
cept the passing a tariff bill by squeezing majorities, very
revolting to a great portion of the people of the states, among
whom it is believed it would not have received a vote but of the
manufacturers themselves. It is considered as a levy on the
labor & efforts of the other classes of industry to support that of
manufactures, and I wish it may not draw on our surplus & pro
duce retaliatory impositions from other nations. Among the
candidates for the presidency you will have seen by the news
papers that Genl. Jackson's prospect was not without promise.
A threatening cloud has very suddenly darkened his horizon.
A letter has become public, written by him when Colo. Monroe
first came into office, advising him to make 'up his administrn
without regard to party. [No suspicion has been entertained of
any indecision in his political principles, and this evidence of
it threatens a revoln of opinion respecting him.] ' The solid
1 Part in brackets struck out.
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 305
republicanism of Pensylve, his principal support, is thrown into
great fermentation by this apparent indifference to political prin
ciples. The thing is as yet too new to see in what it will result.
A baseless and malicious attack on Mr. Crawford has produced
from him so clear, so incontrovertible, and so temperate a jus-
tifcn of himself as to have added much to the strength of his
interest. The question will ultimately be, as I suggested in a
former letter to you, between Crawford and Adams, with this in
favor of Crawford that altho* many states have a different ist
favorite, he is the second with nearly all, and that if it goes into
the legislature he will surely be elected. I am very much de
lighted to perceive a friendly disposn growing up between the
people & govmt of the country where you are and ours. No
two nations on earth have so many interests pleading for a cor
dial frdshp, and we have never had an executive which was not
anxious to have cultivated it, if it could have been done with
any regard to self-respect. Accept assurances of my great es
teem and respectful considn.
TO MARTIN VAN BUREN. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, June 29, 1824.
DEAR SIR, — I have to thank you for Mr. Pickering's elaborate
philippic against Mr. Adams, Gerry, Smith, and myself ; and I
have delayed the acknowledgment until I could read it and make
some observations on it.
I could not have believed, that for so many years, and to such
a period of advanced age, he could have nourished passions so
vehement and viperous. It appears, that for thirty years past,
he has been industriously collecting materials for vituperating the
characters he had marked for his hatred ; some of whom, certainly,
if enmities towards him had ever existed, had forgotten them all,
or buried them in the grave with themselves. As to myself, there
never had been anything personal between us, nothing but the
general opposition of party sentiment ; and our personal inter
course had been that of urbanity, as himself says. But it seems
he has been all this time brooding over an enmity which I had
VOL. X. — 2O
306 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
never felt, and that with respect to myself, as well as others, he
has been writing far and near, and in every direction, to get hold
of original letters, where he could, copies, where he could not,
certificates and journals, catching at every gossiping story he
could hear of in any quarter, supplying by suspicions what he
could find nowhere else, and then arguing on this motley farrago,
as if established on gospel evidence. And while expressing his
wonder, that " at the age of eighty-eight, the strong passions of
Mr. Adams should not have cooled ; " that on the contrary, " they
had acquired the mastery of his soul," (p. 100 ;) that " where
these were enlisted, no reliance could be placed on his state
ments," (p. 104 ;) the facility and little truth with which he could
represent facts and occurrences, concerning persons who were
the objects of his hatred, (p. 3 ;) that " he is capable of making
the grossest misrepresentations, and, from detached facts, and
often from bare suspicions, of drawing unwarrantable inferences,
if suited to his purpose at the instant," (p. 174 ;) while making
such charges, I say, on Mr. Adams, instead of his " ecce homo"
(p. 100 ;) how justly might we say to him, " mutato nomine, de te
fabula narratur." For the assiduity and industry he has em
ployed in his benevolent researches after matter of crimination
against us, I refer to his pages 13, 14, 34, 36, 46, 71, 79, 90, bis.
92, 93, bis. 101, ter. 104, 116, 118, 141, 143, 146, 150, 151, 153,
168, 171, 172. That Mr. Adams' strictures on him, written and
printed, should have excited some notice on his part, was not
perhaps to be wondered at. But the sufficiency of his motive for
the large attack on me may be more questionable. He says, (p.
4) " of Mr. Jefferson I should have said nothing, but for his letter
to Mr. Adams, of October the i2th, 1823." Now the object of
that letter was to soothe the feelings of a friend, wounded by a
publication which I thought an " outrage on private confidence."
Not a word or allusion in it respecting Mr. Pickering, nor was it
suspected that it would draw forth his pen in justification of this
infidelity, which he has, however, undertaken in the course of
his pamphlet, but more particularly in its conclusion.
He arraigns me on two grounds, my actions and my motives.
The very actions, however, which he arraigns, have been such as
the great majority of my fellow citizens have approved. The
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 307
approbation of Mr. Pickering, and of those who thought with
him, I had no right to expect. My motives he chooses to ascribe
to hypocrisy, to ambition, and a passion for popularity. Of these
the world must judge between us. It is no office of his or mine.
To that tribunal I have ever submitted my actions and motives,
without ransacking the Union for certificates, letters, journals,
and gossiping tales, to justify myself and weary them. Nor shall
I do this on the present occasion, but leave still to them these
antiquated party diatribes, now newly revamped and paraded, as
if they had not been already a thousand times repeated, refuted,
and adjudged against him, by the nation itself. If no action is to
be deemed virtuous for which malice can imagine a sinister mo
tive, then there never was a virtuous action ; no, not even in the
life of our Saviour himself. But he has taught us to judge the tree
by its fruit, and to leave motives to him who can alone see into
them.
But whilst I leave to its fate the libel of Mr. Pickering, with
the thousands of others like it, to which I have given no other
answer than a steady course of similar action, there are two facts
or fancies of his which I must set to rights. The one respects
Mr. Adams, the other myself. He observes that my letter of
October the i2th, 1823, acknowledges the receipt of one from
Mr. Adams, of September the i8th, which, having been written
a few days after Cunningham's publication, he says was no doubt
written to apologize to me for the pointed reproaches he had ut
tered against me in his confidential letters to Cunningham. And
thus having "no doubt" of his conjecture, he considers it as
proven, goes on to suppose the contents of the letter, (19, 22,)
makes it place Mr. Adams at my feet suing for pardon, and con
tinues to rant upon it, as an undoubted fact. Now, I do most
solemnly declare, that so far from being a letter of apology, as
Mr. Pickering so undoubtedly assumes, there was not a word or
allusion in it respecting Cunningham's publication.
The other allegation respecting myself, is equally false. In
page 34, he quotes Doctor Stuart as having, twenty years ago,
informed him that General Washington, "when he became a
private citizen," called me to account for expressions in a letter
to Mazzei, requiring, in a tone of unusual severity, an explanation
3o8 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
of that letter. He adds of himself, " in what manner the latter
humbled himself and appeased the just resentment of Washing
ton, will never be made known, as some time after his death the
correspondence was not to be found, and a diary for an important
period of his presidency was also missing." The diary being of
transactions during his presidency, the letter to Mazzei not known
here until some time after he became a private citizen, and the pre
tended correspondence of course after that, I know not why this
lost diary and supposed correspondence are brought together
here, unless for insinuations worthy of the letter itself. The cor
respondence could not be found, indeed, because it had never
existed. J do affirm that there never passed a word, written or
verbal, directly or indirectly, between General Washington and
myself on the subject of that letter. He would never have
degraded himself so far as to take to himself the imputation in
that letter on the " Samsons in combat." The whole story is a
fabrication, and I defy the framers of it, and all mankind, to pro
duce a scrip of a pen between General Washington and myself
on the subject, or any other evidence more worthy of credit than
the suspicions, suppositions and presumptions of the two persons
here quoting and quoted for it. With Doctor Stuart I had not
much acquaintance. I supposed him to be an honest man, knew
him to be a very weak one, and, like Mr. Pickering, very prone to
antipathies, boiling with party passions, arid under the dominion
of these readily welcoming fancies for facts. But come the story
from whomsoever it might, it is an unqualified falsehood.
This letter to Mazzei has been a precious theme of crimina
tion for federal malice. It was a long letter of business, in which
was inserted a single paragraph only of political information as
to the state of our country. In this information there was not
one word which would not then have been, or would not now
be approved by every republican in the United States, looking
back to those times, as you will see by a faithful copy now en
closed of the whole of what that letter said on the subject of the
United States, or of its government. This paragraph, extracted
and translated, got into a Paris paper at a time when the persons
in power there were laboring under very general disfavor, and
their friends were eager to catch even at straws to buoy them
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 309
up. To them, therefore, I have always imputed the interpola
tion of an entire paragraph additional to mine, which makes me
charge my own country with ingratitude and injustice to France.
There was not a word in my letter respecting France, or any of
the proceedings or relations between this country and that. Yet
this interpolated paragraph has been the burthen of federal cal
umny, has been constantly quoted by them, made the subject of
unceasing and virulent abuse, and is still quoted, as you see, by
Mr. Pickering, page 33, as if it were genuine, and really written by
me. And even Judge Marshall makes history descend from its
dignity, and the ermine from its sanctity, to exaggerate, to re
cord, and to sanction this forgery. In the very last note of his
book, he says, "a letter from Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Mazzei, an
Italian, was published in Florence, and re-published in the Moni-
teur, with very severe strictures on the conduct of the United
States." And instead of the letter itself, he copies what he says
are the remarks of the editor, which are an exaggerated com
mentary on the fabricated paragraph itself, and silently leaves to
his reader to make the ready inference that these were the sen
timents of the letter. Proof is the duty of the affirmative side.
A negative cannot be positively proved. But, in defect of im
possible proof of what was not in the original letter, I have its
press-copy still in my possession. It has been shown to several,
and is open to any one who wishes to see it. I have presumed
only, that the interpolation was done in Paris. But I never saw
the letter in either its Italian or French dress, and it may have
been done here, with the commentary handed down to posterity
by the Judge. The genuine paragraph, re-translated through
Italian and French into English, as it appeared here in a federal
paper, besides the mutilated hue which these translations and re-
translations of it produced generally, gave a mistranslation of a
single word, which entirely perverted its meaning, and made it
a pliant and fertile text of misrepresentation of my political prin
ciples. The original, speaking of an Anglican, monarchical and
aristocratical party, which had sprung up since he had left us,
states their object to be " to draw over us the substance, as they
had already done the forms of the British Government." Now the
"forms" here meant, were the levees, birthdays, the pompous
3io THE WRITINGS OF [1824
cavalcade to the state house on the meeting of Congress, the
formal speech from the throne, the procession of Congress in a
body to re-echo the speech in an answer, &c., &c. But the
translator here, by substituting form in the singular number, for
forms in the plural, made it mean the frame or organization of
our government, or its form of legislative, executive and judiciary
authorities, coordinate and independent ; to which form it was
to be inferred that I was an enemy. In this sense they always
quoted it, and in this sense Mr. Pickering still quotes it, pages 34,
35, 38, and countenances the inference. Now General Wash
ington perfectly understood what I meant by these forms, as they
were frequent subjects of conversation between us. When, on
my return from Europe, I joined the government in March, 1790,
at New York, I was much astonished, indeed, at the mimicry I
found established of royal forms and ceremonies, and more alarmed
at the unexpected phenomenon, by the monarchical sentiments I
heard expressed and openly maintained in every company, and
among others by the high members of the government, executive
and judiciary, (General Washington alone excepted,) and by a
great part of the legislature, save only some members who had
been of the old Congress, and a very few of recent introduction.
I took occasion, at various times, of expressing to General Wash
ington my disappointment at these symptoms of a change of
principle, and that I thought them encouraged by the forms and
ceremonies which I found prevailing, not at all in character with
the simplicity of republican government, and looking as if wish
fully to those of European courts. His general explanations to
me were, that when he arrived at New York to enter on the ex
ecutive administration of the new government, he observed to
those who were to assist him, that placed as he was in an office
entirely new to him, unacquainted with the forms and ceremo
nies of other governments, still less apprized of those which
might be properly established here, and himself perfectly indiffer
ent to all forms, he wished them to consider and prescribe what
they should be ; and the task was assigned particularly to Gen
eral Knox, a man of parade, and to Colonel Humphreys, who
had resided some time at a foreign court. They, he said, were
the authors of the present regulations, and that others were pro-
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 311
posed so highly strained that he absolutely rejected them. At
tentive to the difference of opinion prevailing on this subject,
when the term of his second election arrived, he called the Heads
of departments together, observed to them the situation in which
he had been at the commencement of the government, the ad
vice he had taken and the course he had observed in compliance
with it ; that a proper occasion had now arrived of revising that
course, of correcting it in any particulars not approved in expe
rience ; and he desired us to consult together, agree on any
changes we should think for the better, and that he should will
ingly conform to what we should advise. We met at my office.
Hamilton and myself agreed at once that there was too much
ceremony for the character of our government, and particularly,
that the parade of the installation at New York ought not to be
copied on the present occasion, that the President should desire
the Chief Justice to attend him at his chambers, that he should
administer the oath of office to him in the presence of the higher
officers of the government, and that the certificate of the fact
should be delivered to the Secretary of State to be recorded.
Randolph and Knox differed from us, the latter vehemently ;
they thought it not advisable to change any of the established
forms, and we authorized Randolph to report our opinions to the
President. As these opinions were divided, and no positive ad
vice given as to any change, no change was made. Thus the
forms which I had censured in my letter to Mazzei were per
fectly understood by General Washington, and were those which
he himself but barely tolerated. He had furnished me a proper
occasion for proposing their reformation, and my opinion not pre
vailing, he knew I could not have meant any part of the censure
for him.
Mr. Pickering quotes, too, (page 34) the expression in the
letter, of " the men who were Samsons in the field, and Solo
mons in the council, but who had had their heads shorn by the
harlot England ; " or, as expressed in their re-translation, " the
men who were Solomons in council, and Samsons in combat, but
whose hair had been cut off by the whore England." Now this
expression also was perfectly understood by General Washing
ton. He knew that I meant it for the Cincinnati generally, and
3i2 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
that from what had passed between us at the commencement of
that institution, I could not mean to include him. When the
first meeting was called for its establishment, I was a member of
the Congress then sitting at Annapolis. General Washington
wrote to me, asking my opinion on that proposition, and the
course, if any, which I thought Congress would observe respect
ing it. I wrote him frankly my own disapprobation of it ; that
I found the members of Congress generally in the same senti
ment ; that I thought they would take no express notice of it,
but that in all appointments of trust, honor, or profit, they would
silently pass by all candidates of that order, and give an uniform
preference to others. On his way to the first meeting in Phil
adelphia, which I think was in the spring of 1784, he called on
me at Annapolis. It was a little after candle-light, and he sat
with me till after midnight, conversing, almost exclusively, on
that subject. While he was feelingly indulgent to the motives
which might induce the officers to promote it, he concurred with
me entirely in condemning it ; and when I expressed an idea
that if the hereditary quality were suppressed, the institution
might perhaps be indulged during the lives of the officers now
living, and who had actually served ; " no," he said, " not a fibre
of it ought to be left, to be an eye-sore to the public, a ground
of dissatisfaction, and a line of separation between them and their
country ; " and he left me with a determination to use all his in
fluence for its entire suppression. On his return from the meet
ing he called on me again, and related to me the course the thing
had taken. He said that from the beginning, he had used every
endeavor to prevail on the officers to renounce the project alto
gether, urging the many considerations which would render it
odious to their fellow citizens, and disreputable and injurious to
themselves ; that he had at length prevailed on most of the old
officers to reject it, although with great and warm opposition
from others, and especially the younger ones, among whom he
named Colonel W. S. Smith as particularly intemperate. But
that in this state of things, when he thought the question safe,
and the meeting drawing to a close, Major L'Enfant arrived from
France, with a bundle of eagles, for which he had been sent
there, with letters from the French officers who had served in
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 313
America, praying for admission into the order, and a solemn act
of their king permitting them to wear its ensign. This, he said,
changed the face of matters at once, produced an entire revolu
tion of sentiment, and turned the torrent so strongly in an oppo
site direction that it could be no longer withstood ; all he could
then obtain was a suppression of the hereditary quality. He
added, that it was the French applications, and respect for the
approbation of the king, which saved the establishment in its
modified and temporary form. Disapproving thus of the insti
tution as much as I did, and conscious that I knew him to do so,
he could never suppose that I meant to include him among the
Samsons in the field, whose object was to draw over us the form,
as they made the letter say, of the British government, and espe
cially its aristocratic member, an hereditary house of lords. Add
to this, that the letter saying " that two out of the three branches
of legislature were against us," was an obvious exception of him ;
it being well known that the majorities in the two branches of
Senate and Representatives, were the very instruments which
carried, in opposition to the old and real republicans, the meas
ures which were the subjects of condemnation in this letter.
General Washington then, understanding perfectly what and
whom I meant to designate, in both phrases, and that they could
not have any application or view to himself, could find in neither
any cause of offence to himself ; and therefore neither needed,
nor ever asked any explanation of them from me. Had it even
been otherwise, they must know very little of General Washing
ton, who should believe to be within the laws of his character
what Doctor Stuart is said to have imputed to him. Be this,
however, as it may, the story is infamously false in every article
of it. My last parting with General Washington was at the in
auguration of Mr. Adams, in March, 1797, and was warmly affec
tionate ; and I never had any reason to believe any change on
his part, as there certainly was none on mine. But one session
of Congress intervened between that and his death, the year
following, in my passage to and from which, as it happened to
be not convenient to call on him, I never had another oppor
tunity ; and as to the cessation of correspondence observed dur
ing that short interval, no particular circumstance occurred for
314 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
epistolary communication, and both of us were too much op
pressed with letter-writing, to trouble, either the other, with a
letter about nothing.
The truth is, that the federalists, pretending to be the exclu
sive friends of General Washington, have ever done what they
could to sink his character, by hanging theirs on it, and by rep
resenting as the enemy of republicans him, who, of all men, is
best entitled to the appellation of the father of that republic
which they were endeavoring to subvert, and the republicans to
maintain. They cannot deny, because the elections proclaimed
the truth, that the great body of the nation approved the re
publican measures. General Washington was himself sincerely
a friend to the republican principles of our constitution. His
faith, perhaps, in its duration, might not have been as confident as
mine ; but he repeatedly declared to me, that he was determined
it should have a fair chance for success, and that he would lose
the last drop of his blood in its support, against any attempt
which might be made to change it from its republican form. He
made these declarations the oftener, because he knew my sus
picions that Hamilton had other views, and he wished to quiet
my jealousies on this subject. For Hamilton frankly avowed,
that he considered the British constitution, with all the corrup
tions of its administration, as the most perfect model of gov
ernment which had ever been devised by the wit of man ;
professing however, at the same time, that the spirit of this country
was so fundamentally republican, that it would be visionary to
think of introducing monarchy here, and that, therefore, it was
the duty of its administrators to conduct it on the principles their
constituents had elected.
General Washington, after the retirement of his first cabinet,
and the composition of his second, entirely federal, and at the
head of which was Mr. Pickering himself, had no opportunity
of hearing both sides of any question. His measures, conse
quently, took more the hue of the party in whose hands he was.
These measures were certainly not approved by the republicans ;
yet were they not imputed to him, but to the counsellors around
him ; and his prudence so far restrained their impassioned course
and bias, that no act of strong mark, during the remainder of
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 315
his administration, excited much dissatisfaction. He lived too
short a time after, and too much withdrawn from information, to
correct the views into which he had been deluded ; and the con
tinued assiduities of the party drew him into the vortex of their
intemperate career ; separated him still farther from his real
friends, and excited him to actions and expressions of dissatis
faction, which grieved them, but could not loosen their affec
tions from him. They would not suffer the temporary aberration
to weigh against the immeasurable merits of his life ; and although
they tumbled his seducers from their places, they preserved his
memory embalmed in their hearts, with undiminished love and
devotion ; and there it forever will remain embalmed, in entire
oblivion of every temporary thing which might cloud the glories
of his splendid life. It is vain, then, for Mr. Pickering and his
friends to endeavor to falsify his character, by representing him
as an enemy to republicans and republican principles, and as
exclusively the friend of those who were so ; and had he lived
longer, he would have returned to his ancient and unbiased
opinions, would have replaced his confidence in those whom the
people approved and supported, and would have seen that they
were only restoring and acting on the principles of his own first
administration.
I find, my dear Sir, that I have written you a very long letter,
or rather a history. The civility of having sent me a copy of
Mr. Pickering's diatribe, would scarcely justify its address to you.
I do not publish these things, because my rule of life has been
never to harass the public with fendings and provings of personal
slanders ; and least of all would I descend into the arena of
slander with such a champion as Mr. Pickering. I have ever
trusted to the justice and consideration of my fellow citizens,
and have no reason to repent it, or to change my course. At
this time of life too, tranquillity is the summum bonum. But
although I decline all newspaper controversy, yet when false
hoods have been advanced, within the knowledge of no one so
much as myself, I have sometimes deposited a contradiction in
the hands of a friend, which, if worth preservation, may, when
I am no more, nor those whom I might offend, throw light on
history, and recall that into the path of truth. And if of no
316 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
other value, the present communication may amuse you with
anecdotes not known to every one.
I had meant to have added some views on the amalgamation of
parties, to which your favor of the 8th has some allusion ; an amal
gamation of name, but not of principle. Tories are tories still, by
whatever name they may be called. But my letter is already
too unmercifully long, and I close it here with assurances of my
great esteem and respectful consideration.
TO JAMES MONROE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO July 1 8. 24.
DEAR SIR, — I have duly reed, your favor of the i2th inst. and
concur in every sentimt you express on the subject of mine of
the 2d. They were exactly what I should have said to you my
self had our places been changed. My Ire was meant only to
convey the wishes of the party, and in few cases where circum
stances have obliged me to communicate sollicitns have I ever
suffered my own wishes to mingle with theirs. That of Peyton I
except, which yet I would not have urged were it possible for
you to appoint a better man, or one more solidly in the public
esteem. In the case which was the subject of my Ire of the 2d.
the abilities are sfft. the temper & prudence questionable, and the
standing in public opn defective. Yet this latter circumstance
is always important, because it is not wisdom alone, but public
confidce in that wisdom which can support an admn. Something
however, less marked may occur to give him decent and com
fortable maintenance.
I am sorry to hear that England is equivocal. My reliance
was on the great interest she had in the indepdce of the Spanish
colonies, and my belief that she might be trusted in followg what
ever clue would lead to her interest. The Spanish agents will
doubtless think -it reasonable that we make our commitmt depend
entirely on the concurrence of Engld. With that we are safe ;
without it we cannot protect them and they cannot reasonably
expect us to sink ourselves uselessly & even injuriously for them
by a Quixotic encounter of the whole world in arms. Were it
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 317
Spain alone I should have no fear. But Russia is said to have
70. ships of the line. France approaching that number and what
should we be in fronting such a force. It is not for the interest
of Spanish America that our republic should be blotted out of the
map, and to the rest of the world it would be an act of treason.
I see both reason and justifcn in hanging our answers to them on
the coopern of England & directing all their importunities to that
govmt. We feel strongly for them, but our first care must be
ourselves. I am sorry for the doubtfulness of your visit to our
nbhood, and still more so for the ground of it. With my prayers
that the last may be favorably relieved, accept the assurance of
my affecte frdshp & great respect.
TO HENRY LEE. j. MSS.
MONTO. Aug. 10. 24.
SIR, — I have duly received your favor of the i4th and with it
the prospectus of a newspaper which it covered. If the style and
spirit of that should be maintained in the paper itself it will be
truly worthy of the public patronage. As to myself it is many
years since I have ceased to read but a single paper. I am no
longer therefore a general subscriber for any other. Yet to en
courage the hopeful in the outset I have sometimes subscribed
for the ist year on the condition of being discontinued at the end
of it, without further warning. I do the same now with pleasure
for yours, and unwilling to have outstanding accounts which I
am liable to forget, I now inclose the price of the tri-weekly paper.
I am no believer in the amalgamation of parties, nor do I con
sider it as either desirable or useful for the public ; but only that,
like religious differences, a difference in politics should never be
permitted to enter into social intercourse, or to disturb it's friend
ships, its charities or justice. In that form they are censors of
the conduct of each other, and useful watchmen for the public.
Men by their constitutions are naturally divided into two parties.
i. Those who fear and distrust the people, and wish to draw all
powers from them into the hands of the higher classes. 2ndly
those who identify themselves with the people, have confidence
3i8 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
in them, cherish and consider them as the most honest & safe,
altho' not the most wise depository of the public interests. In
every country these two parties exist, and in every one where
they are free to think, speak, and write, they will declare them
selves. Call them therefore liberals and serviles, Jacobins and
Ultras, whigs and tories, republicans and federalists, aristocrats
and democrats or by whatever name you please, they are the
same parties still and pursue the same object. The last appella
tion of aristocrats and democrats is the true one expressing the
essence of all. A paper which shall be governed by the spirit of
Mr. Madison's celebrated report, of which you express in your
prospectus so just and high an approbation, cannot be false to
the rights of all classes. The grandfathers of the present gen
eration of your family I knew well. They were friends and fel
low-laborers with me in the same cause and principle. Their
descendants cannot follow better guides. Accept the assurance
of my best wishes & respectful consideration.
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. J. MSS.
MONTICELLO Sep. 3. 24
The mail my dear Friend, succeeding that which brought us
the welcome news of your arrival on our shores, brought that of
your being to proceed immediately to the North. I delayed
therefore till you should turn Southwdly to meet you with my
sincere congratulns on your safe passage, and restoration to those
who love you more than any people on earth. Indeed I fear
they will kill you with their kindness, so fatiguing and exhausting
must be the ceremonies they force upon you. Be on your guard,
against this, my dear Sir, and do not lose in the enthusiastic
embraces of affection a life they are meant to cherish. I see you
are to visit our Yorktown on the ipth of Oct. My spirit will be
there, my body cannot. 1 am too much enfeebled by age for
such a journey. I cannot walk further than my garden, with
infirmities too which can only be nursed at home. I imagine you
will be forced to visit Chas. T. and Savanna, for where is it they will
not wish and ask your company if they can get it. Our little vil-
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 319
lage of Charlottesville insists also on receiving you. They would
have claimed you as their guest, were it possible I could have
seen you the guest of any other than myself in the vicinage of
Monto. I have reduced them therefore to the honor of your ac
cepting from them a dinner, and that, thro' me, they beseech you
to come & accept. I suppose in fact that either going to or
returning from the South, the line by Monto. & Montpellier will
be little out of your way. Come then, my dear friend, suit the
time to yourself, make your headquarters here from whence the
ride to Charlottesville & it's appendage our university will not be
of an hour. Let me once more have the happiness of talking
over with you your first labors here, those I witnessed in your
own country, it's past & present afflictions and future hopes. God
bless and preserve you, and give me once more to see and em
brace you.
TO SAMUEL KERCHIVAL. j. MSS.
MONTO. Sep. 5. 24.
SIR, — I have duly received your favor of the 25th ult. request
ing permission to publish my letters of July 12. and Sep. 5. 1816.
But to this I cannot consent. They were committed to your
honor and confidence under express injunxtions against their
publication, and I am happy to learn that that confidence has not
been misplaced. The reasons too, then opposed to it, have
gained greater strength by increase of age and of aversion to be
committed to political altercation and obloquy. Nor do I believe
their publicn would have any weight. Our fellow citizens think
too independantly for themselves to yield their opinions to any
one. Another strong reason against it at present is the alarm
which has been excited, and with great effect, lest too much in
novation should be attempted. These letters would do harm by
increasing that alarm. At a particular and pressing request I did
venture in a letter to Mr. Pleasants some strictures on certain
defects in our constitution, with permission to publish them. So
far then my opinions are known. When the legislature shall be
assembled, and the question approaching of calling a convention,
I should have no objection to a discreet communication of these
letters to thinking and friendly members, who would not hang me
320 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
up as a scare-crow and enemy to a constitution on which many
believe the good and happiness of their country depend. I be
lieve on the contrary that they depend on amending that constn
from time to time and keeping it always in harmony with the
advance of habits and principles. But I respect their right of
free opinion too much to urge an uneasy pressure on them.
Time and advancing science will ripen us all in it's course, and
reconcile all to wholesome and necessary changes. I salute you
with respectful consideration.
TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, October 9, 1824.
I have duly received, my dear friend and General,
your letter of the ist from Philadelphia, giving us the
welcome assurance that you will visit the neighbor
hood which, during the march of our enemy near it,
was covered by your shield from his robberies and
ravages. In passing the line of your former march
you will experience pleasing recollections of the good
you have done. My neighbors, too, of our academi
cal village, who well remember their obligations to
you, have expressed to you, in a letter from a com
mittee appointed for that purpose, their hope that
you will accept manifestations of their feelings, sim
ple indeed, but as cordial as any you will have
received. It will be an additional honor to the Uni
versity of the State that you will have been its first
guest. Gratify them, then, by this assurance to their
committee, if it has not been done. But what recol
lections, dear friend, will this call up to you and me \
What a history have we to run over from the evening
that yourself, Meusnier, Bernau, and other patriots
settled, in my house in Paris, the outlines of the con-
1 8 24] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 32 1
stitution you wished ! And to trace it through all
the disastrous chapters of Robespierre, Barras, Bona
parte, and the Bourbons ! These things, however,
are for our meeting. You mention the return of
Miss Wright to America, accompanied by her sister ;
but do not say what her stay is to be, nor what her
course. Should it lead her to a visit of our Univer
sity, which, in its architecture only, is as yet an object,
herself and her companion will nowhere find a wel
come more hearty than with Mrs. Randolph, and all
the inhabitants of Monticello. This Athenaeum of
our country, in embryo, is as yet but promise ; and
not in a state to recall the recollections of Athens.
But everything has its beginning, its growth, and
end ; and who knows with what future delicious mor
sels of philosophy, and by what future Miss Wright
raked from its ruins, the world may, some day, be
gratified and instructed ? Your son George we shall
be very happy indeed to see, and to renew in him the
recollections of your very dear family ; and the revo
lutionary merit of M. le Vasseur has that passport to
the esteem of every American, and, to me, the addi
tional one of having been your friend and co-operator,
and he will, I hope, join you in making head-quarters
with us at Monticello. But all these things a revoir ;
in the meantime we are impatient that your cere
monies at York should be over, and give you to the
embraces of friendship.
P. S. Will you come by Mr. Madison's, or let him
or me know on what day he may meet you here, and
join us in our greetings ?
VOL. X.— 21
322 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
TO RICHARD RUSH. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, October 13, 1824.
DEAR SIR, — I must again beg the protection of your cover for
a letter to Mr. Gilmer ; although a little doubtful whether he may
not have left you.
You will have seen by our papers the delirium into which our
citizens are thrown by a visit from General La Fayette. He is
making a triumphant progress through the States, from town to
town, with acclamations of welcome, such as no crowned head
ever received. It will have a good effect in favor of the General
with the people in Europe, but probably a different one with
their sovereigns. Its effect here, too, will be salutary as to our
selves, by rallying us together and strengthening the habit of
considering our country as one and indivisible, and I hope we
shall close it with something more solid for him than dinners
and balls. The eclat of this visit has almost merged the Presi
dential question, on which nothing scarcely is said in our papers.
That question will lie ultimately between Crawford and Adams ;
but, at the same time, the vote of the people will be so distracted
by subordinate candidates, that possibly they may make no elec
tion, and let it go to the House of Representatives. There, it is
thought, Crawford's chance is best. We have nothing else inter
esting before the public. Of the two questions of the tariff and
public improvements, the former, perhaps, is not yet at rest,
and the latter will excite boisterous discussions. It happens that
both these measures fall in with the western interests, and it is
their secession from the agricultural States which gives such
strength to the manufacturing and consolidating parties, on these
two questions. The latter is the most dreaded, because thought
to amount to a determination in the federal government to as
sume all powers non-enumerated as well as enumerated in the con
stitution, and by giving a loose to construction, make the text
say whatever will relieve them from the bridle of the States.
These are difficulties for your day ; I shall give them the slip.
Accept the assurance of my friendly attachment and great respect.
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 323
TO JOSEPH COOLIDGE.1
MONTICELLO, October 24, '24.
DEAR SIR, — I should not have delayed a single day the answer
to your interesting and acceptable letter of the i3th inst. but that
it found me suffering severely from an imposthume formed under
the jaw, and closing it so effectually as to render the introduction
of sustenance into the mouth impossible but in a fluid form, and
that, latterly, sucked thro' a tube. After 2 or 3 weeks of suffer
ance, and a total prostration of strength, 1 have been relieved by
a discharge of the matter, and am now on the recovery ; and I
avail myself of the first moment of my ability to take up a pen to
assure you that nothing could be more welcome to me than the
visit proposed, or it's object. During the stay you were so kind
as to make with us, my opportunities were abundant of seeing
and estimating the merit of your character ; insomuch as to need
no further enquiry from others. Nor did the family leave me
uninformed of the attachment which seemed to be forming to
wards my grandaur. Ellen. I learnt it with pleasure ; because I
believed of yours, and knew of her extraordinary moral qualifica
tions, I was satisfied no two minds could be formed, better com
pounded to make each other happy. I hold the same sentiment
now that I receive the information from yourself, and assure you
that no union could give to me greater satisfaction, if your wishes
prove mutual, and your friends consenting. What provision for a
competent subsistence for you, might exist or be practicable, was
a consideration for both parties. 1 knew that the circumstances
of her father, Governor Randolph, offered little prospect from his
resources, prostrated as they have been by too much facility in
engagements for others. Some suffering of the same kind myself,
and of sensible amount, with debts of my own, remove to a dis
tance anything I could do, and certainly should do, for you. My
property is such that after a discharge of these incumbrances,
a comfortable provision will remain for my unprovided grand
children. This state of things on our part leaves us nothing to
propose for the present but to submit the course to be pursued
entirely to your own discretion, and the will of your friends, un
der the general assurance that whenever circumstances enable me
1 From a copy in the possession of A. C. Coolidge, Esq., of Cambridge.
324 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
to do any thing, it will be directed by justice to the other members
of my family, a special affection to this particularly valued grand
daughter, and a cordial attachment to yourself. Your visit to
Monticello and at the time of your own convenience will be truly
welcome, and your stay whatever may suit yourself, under any
views of friendship or connection. My gratification will be meas
ured by the time of it's continuance.
I ought sooner to have thanked you for the valuable work of
Milisia, on Architecture : searching, as he does, for the resources
and prototypes of our ideas of beauty in that fine art, he appears
to have elicited them with more correctness than any other I have
read : and his work, as a text book, furnishes excellent matter for
a course of lectures on the subject, which I shall hope to have
introduced into our institution. The letters of Mr. Gilmer are
encouraging as to the time and style of opening it.
I expect in the course of the ist. or 2d week of the approach
ing month to receive here the visit of my antient friend Genl
La Fayette. The delirium which his visit has excited in the
North invelopes him in the South also. The humble village of
Charlottesville, or rather the county of Albemarle, of which it
is the seat of justice, will exhibit it's great affection, and unpre
tending means, in a dinner to be given the General in the build
ings of the University, to which they have given accepted
invitations to Mr. Madison also and myself as guests, and at
which your presence, as my guest would give high pleasure to us
all, and to none, I assure you, more cordially than to your sincerely
attached friend.
TO CHARLES JARED INGERSOLL.1
MONTICELLO Oct 27. 24
DEAR SIR, — Your letter of the 2ist found me in a commence
ment of convalescence after a severe illness of some weeks. I
have given however to the pamphlet which accompanied it the
best attention which my condition has permitted. The facts it
has collected are valuable, encouraging to the American mind,
1 From a copy courteously furnished by Mr. W. M. Meigs of Philadelphia.
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 325
and so far as they respect ourselves could give umbrage to none.
But if a contrast with other nations were necessary or useful, it
would have been more flattering had it come from a foreign hand-
After the severe chastisement given by Mr. Walsh in his Ameri
can Register, to English scribblers, which they well deserved and
I was delighted to see, I hoped there would be an end of this
inter-crimination, and that both parties would prefer the course
of courtesy and conciliation, and I think their considerate writers
have since shewn that disposition, and that it would prevail if
equally cultivated by us. Europe is doing us full justice ; why
then detract from her. It is true that the pamphlet, in winding
up, disavows this intention, but in opposition to the fact of re
peated sets made at England, and too frequent assumptions of
superiority. It is true we have advantages, and great advantages
over her in some of our institutions, and in some important con
ditions of our existence. But in so many as are assumed will be
believed by ourselves only, and not by all among ourselves. It
cannot be denied that we are a boasting nation. I repeat how
ever that the work is highly consolatory to us, and that, with the
indulgence of this single criticism, it merits all praise in its mat
ter, style and composition. Mr. Short and Mr. Harris have truly
informed you that I suffer to excess by an oppressive correspond
ence. The decays of age have so reduced the powers of life with
me, that a greater affliction can scarcely be imposed on me than
that of writing a letter. I feel indeed that I must withdraw from
the labors of this duty, even if it loses me all my friends. My
affections for them undergo no diminution, but the laws of the
animal economy take from me this means of manifesting it. Be
pleased to accept the assurance of my high respect and esteem.
TO THOMAS LEIPER. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Dec. 6. 24.
Be assured, dear Sir, that the reasons which put it out of my
power to interfere in behalf of Mr. Taylor were such as yourself
would pronounce insuperable had it been proper for me to have
mentioned them. We shall be happy to receive your son &
326 THE WRITINGS OF [1824
Daughter here whenever they will favor us with their visit. Rich
mond was not well chosen, as the place to shake off a fever &
ague in the months of Aug. Sep. & Oct. till frost. All it's inhab
itants who can afford it leave it for the upper country during that
season. If Miss Julia, instead of accompanying her brother to
Lynchbg will stay with us till his return I should have strong con
fidence in his finding that she will have missed her fit. There
never was an instance of fever & ague originating here, nor did I
ever know our friends who have brot it from below, pass the 4th
fit. Should the inveteracy of her case bid defiance to our air for
awhile, she had still better stay with us till that of Richmd. be
comes safe by frost and numerous fires, these as well as frost be
ing correctives of the atmosphere. We have two stages a week
going to Richmd. which will give her a passage to that place
when ever she shall think herself well enough to venture to it ;
and in the meantime we shall be happy in having her as one of
our family and in administering to her every care & comfort in
our power. No one of your family must ever suppose themselves
not at home when with me ; and indeed I think it would be but
fatherly to accompany your son yourself and give him the benefit
of your lessons when visiting our warehouses. To me this addi
tion to the visit would be most welcome and add to the pleasure
with which I assure you of my constant frdshp & respect.
TO JAMES MONROE. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO Dec. 15. 24.
DEAR SIR, — I have examined my letter of Jan. 13. 1803. as
well as the indistinct copy given by the copying press permits.
In some parts it is illegible. The publication of the whole of the
ist paragraph would merit very serious considn as respects my
self. Written when party passions and contests were at their
greatest height, and expressing freely to you, with whom I had no
reserve, my opinion of the views of the other party, which were
all but treasonable, they would kindle embers long seeming to be
extinguished. And altho' at that time the views stated were
known to be true, and not doubted at this moment, yet promul-
1824] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 327
gated now, they would seem very harsh, and renew personal en
mities and hatreds which time seems to have quieted. Yet I am
perfectly willing that such parts as would be useful to you, with
out committing me to new persecutions should be made publick.
With this view I have revised the paragraph, suppressed passages
which would be offensive, modified here and there an expression,
and now inclose you the form in which I should consent to it's
publcn. Your letter by Mr. Ticknor & Mr. Webster has been
duly reed. With the former I had had acquaintance and corre
spondence of long standing ; and I am much gratified by the
acquaintance made with the latter.1 He is likely to become of
great weight in our govmt.
1 In the Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster (i. , 364) is " a memo
randum " by Webster descriptive of this visit, with a picture of Jefferson's
daily life and personal appearance. Following this are " anecdotes from Mr.
Jefferson's conversation," which are here appended :
" Patrick Henry was originally a bar-keeper. He was married very young, and
going into some business, on his own account, was a bankrupt before the year
was out. When I was about the age of fifteen, I left the school here, to go to
the college at Williamsburgh. I stopped a few days at a friend's in the county
of Louisa. There I first saw and became acquainted with Patrick Henry.
Having spent the Christmas holidays there, I proceeded to Williamsburgh.
Some question arose about my admission, as my preparatory studies had not
been pursued at the school connected with that institution. This delayed my
admission about a fortnight, at which time Henry appeared in Williamsburgh,
and applied for a license to practise law, having commenced the study of it at
or subsequently to the time of my meeting him in Louisa. There were four
examiners, Wythe, Pendleton, Peyton Randolph, and John Randolph ; Wythe
and Pendleton at once rejected his application. The two Randolphs, by his
importunity, were prevailed upon to sign the license ; and having obtained their
signatures, he applied again to Pendleton, and after much entreaty and many
promises 6f future study, succeeded in obtaining his. He then turned out for a
practising lawyer. The first case which brought him into notice, was a con
tested election, in which he appeared as counsel before a committee of the House
of Burgesses. His second was the Parsons cause, already well known. These
and similar efforts soon obtained for him so much reputation, that he was
elected a member of the legislature. He was as well suited to the times as any
man ever was, and it is not now easy to say what we should have done without
Patrick Henry. He was far before all in maintaining the spirit of the Revolu
tion. His influence was most extensive with the members from the upper
counties, and his boldness and their votes overawed and controlled the
more cool or the more timid aristocratic gentlemen of the lower part of the
328 THE WRITINGS OF [1825
TO WILLIAM SHORT. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, January 8, 1825.
DEAR SIR, — I returned the first volume of Hall by a mail of a
week ago, and by this, shall return the second. We have kept
them long, but every member of the family wished to read kis
book, in which case, you know, it had a long gauntlet to ran.
It is impossible to read thoroughly such writings as those of
Harper and Otis, who take a page to say what requires but a
State. His eloquence was peculiar, if indeed it should be called eloqueice ;
for it was impressive and sublime, beyond what can be imagined. Although it
was difficult when he had spoken to tell what he had said, yet, while he was
speaking, it always seemed directly to the point. When he had spoken in op
position to my opinion, had produced a great effect, and I myself been highly
delighted and moved, I have asked myself when he ceased : ' What the d — 1
has he said ? ' I could never answer the inquiry. His person was of full size,
and his manner and voice free and manly. His utterance neither very fast nor
very slow. His speeches generally short, from a quarter to a half an hour.
His pronunciation was vulgar and vicious, but it was forgotten while he was
speaking.
" He was a man of very little knowledge of any sort ; he read nothing, and had
no books. Returning one November from Albemarle court, he borrowed of me
Hume's Essays, in two volumes, saying he should have leisure in the winter for
reading. In the spring he returned them, and declared he had not been able to
go further than twenty or thirty pages in the first volume. He wrote almost
nothing — he could not write. The resolutions of '75, which have been ascribed
to him, have by many been supposed to have been written by Mr. Johnson, who
acted as his second on that occasion ; but if they were written by Henry him
self, they are not such as to prove any power of composition. Neither in
politics nor in his profession was he a man of business ; he was a man for de
bate only. His biographer says that he read Plutarch every year. I doubt
whether he ever read a volume of it in his life. His temper was excellent, and
he generally observed decorum in debate. On one or two occasions I have
seen him angry, and his anger was terrible ; those who witnessed it, were not
disposed to rouse it again. In his opinions he was yielding and practicable and
not disposed to differ from his friends. In private conversation, he was
agreeable and facetious, and, while in genteel society, appeared to understand
all the decencies and proprieties of it ; but, in his heart, he preferred low
society, and sought it as often as possible. He would hunt in the pine woods
of Fluvannah, with overseers, and people of that description, living in a camp
for a fortnight at a time without a change of raiment. I have often been as
tonished at his command of proper language ; how he attained the knowledge
of it, I never could find out, as he read so little and conversed little with educated
1825] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 329
sentence, or rather, who give you whole pages of what is noth
ing to the purpose. A cursory race over the ground is as much
as they can claim. It is easy for them, at this day, to endeavor
to whitewash their party, when the greater part are dead of those
who witnessed what passed, others old and become indifferent
to the subject, and others indisposed to take the trouble of an
swering them. As to Otis, his attempt is to prove that the sun
does not shine at mid-day ; that that is not a fact which every
men. After all, it must be allowed that he was our leader in the measures of
the Revolution, in Virginia. In that respect more was due to him than any
other person. If we had not had him we should probably have got on pretty
well, as you did, by a number of men of nearly equal talents, but he left us all
far behind. His biographer sent the sheets of his work to me as they were
printed, and at the end asked for my opinion. I told him it would be a question
hereafter, whether his work should be placed on the shelf of history or of pane
gyric. It is a poor book written in bad taste, and gives so imperfect an idea of
Patrick Henry, that it seems intended to show off the writer more than the
subject of the work.
" Throughout the whole Revolution, Virginia and the four New England
States acted together ; indeed, they made the Revolution. Their five votes
were always to be counted on ; but they had to pick up the remaining two for a
majority, when and where they could.
" About the time of the Boston Port Bill, the patriotic feeling in Virginia had
become languid and worn out, from some cause or other. It was thought by
some of us to be absolutely necessary to excite the people ; but we hardly knew
the right means. At length it occurred to us to make grave faces and propose
a fast. Some of us, who were the younger members of the assembly, resolved
upon the measure. We thought Oliver Cromwell would be a good guide in
such a case. So we looked into Rush worth, and drew up our resolutions after
the most pious and praiseworthy examples. It would hardly have been in
character for us to present them ourselves. We applied therefore to Mr.
Nicholas, a grave and religious man ; he proposed them in a set and solemn
speech ; some of us gravely seconded him, and the resolutions were passed
unanimously. If any debate had occurred, or if they had been postponed for
consideration, there was no chance that they would have been passed. The
next morning Lord Bottetourt, the governor, summoned the assembly to his
presence, and said to them : ' I have heard of your proceedings of yesterday,
and augur ill of their effects. His Majesty's interest requires that you be dis
solved, and you are dissolved.' Another election taking place soon afterwards,
such was the spirit of the times, that every member of the assembly, without an
individual exception, was re-elected.
" Our fast produced very considerable effect. We all agreed to go home and
330 THE WRITINGS OF [1825
one saw. He merits no notice. It is well known that Harper
had little scruple about facts where detection was not obvious.
By placing in false lights whatever admits it, and passing over in
silence what does not, a plausible aspect may be presented of any
thing. He takes great pains to prove, for instance, that Hamil
ton was no monarchist, by exaggerating his own intimacy with
him, and the impossibility, if he was so, that he should not, at
some time, have betrayed it to him. This may pass with unin-
see that preachers were provided incur counties, and notice given to our people.
I came home to my own county, provided a preacher, and notified the people,
who came together in great multitudes, wondering what it meant.
"Lord Bottetourt was an honorable man. His government had authorized
him to make certain assurances to the people here, which he made accordingly.
He wrote to the minister that he had made these assurances, and that, unless
he should be enabled to fulfil them, he must retire from his situation. This letter
he sent unsealed to Peyton Randolph for his inspection. Lord Bottetourt's
great respectability, his character for integrity, and his general popularity,
would have enabled him to embarrass the measures of the patriots exceedingly.
His death was, therefore, a fortunate event for the cause of the Revolution.
He was the first governor in chief that had ever come over to Virginia. Before
his time, we had received only deputies, the governor residing in England, with
a salary of five thousand pounds, and paying his deputy one thousand pounds.
" When Congress met, Patrick Henry and Richard Henry Lee opened the
subject with great ability and eloquence. So much so, that Paca and Chase,
delegates from Maryland, said to each other as they returned from the House :
' We shall not be wanted here ; those gentlemen from Virginia will be able to
do everything without us.' But neither Henry nor Lee were men of business,
and having made strong and eloquent general speeches, they had done all they
could.
" It was thought advisable that two papers should be drawn up, one, an ad
dress to the people of England, and the other, an address, I think, to the king.
Committees were raised for these purposes, and Henry was at the head of the
first, and Lee of the second.
" When the address to the people of England was reported, Congress heard
it with utter amazement. It was miserably written and good for nothing. At
length Governor Livingston, of New Jersey, ventured to break silence. After
complimenting the author, he said he thought some other ideas might be use
fully added to his draft of the address. Some such paper had been for a con
siderable time contemplated, and he believed a friend of his had tried his hand
in the composition of one. He thought if the subject were again committed,
some improvement in the present draft might be made. It was accordingly re
committed, and the address which had been alluded to by Governor Livingston,
1825] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 331
formed readers, but not with those who have had it from Hamil
ton's own mouth. I am one of those, and but one of many. At
my own table, in presence of Mr. Adams, Knox, Randolph, and
myself, in a dispute between Mr. Adams and himself, he avowed
his preference of monarchy over every other government, and his
opinion that the English was the most perfect model of govern
ment ever devised by the wit of man, Mr. Adams agreeing "if
its corruptions were done away." While Hamilton insisted that
and which was written by John Jay, was reported by the committee, and adopted
as it now appears.
" It is, in my opinion, one of the very best state papers which the Revolu
tion produced.
" Richard Henry Lee moved the Declaration of Independence, in pursuance
of the resolutions of the assembly of Virginia, and only because he was the old
est member of the Virginia delegation.
" The Declaration of Independence was written in a house on the north side
of Chestnut street, Philadelphia, between third and fourth, not a corner house.
Heiskell's tavern, which has been pointed out as the house, is not the true one.
" For depth of purpose, zeal, and sagacity, no man in Congress exceeded, if
any equalled Sam. Adams; and none did more than he to originate and sus
tain revolutionary measures in Congress. But he could not speak ; he had a
hesitating, grunting manner.
" John Adams was our Colossus on the floor. He was not graceful, nor ele
gant, nor remarkably fluent ; but he came out, occasionally, with a power of
thought and expression that moved us from our seats.
" I feel much alarmed at the prospect of seeing General Jackson President.
He is one of the most unfit men I know of for such a place. He has had very
little respect for laws or constitutions, and is, in fact, an able military chief.
His passions are terrible. When I was President of the Senate he was a Sen
ator ; and he could never speak on account of the rashness of his feelings. I
have seen him attempt it repeatedly, and as often choke with rage. His pas
sions are no doubt cooler now ; he has been much tried since I knew him, but
he is a dangerous man.
" When I was in France, the Marquis de Chasteleux carried me over to Buf-
fon's residence in the country, and introduced me to him.
" It was Buffon's practice to remain in his study till dinner time, and receive
no visitors under any pretence ; but his house was open and his grounds, and a
servant showed them very civilly, and invited all strangers and friends to remain
to dine. We saw Buff on in the garden, but carefully avoided him ; but we
dined with him, and he proved himself then, as he always did, a man of ex-
332 THE WRITINGS OF [1825
" with these corruptions it was perfect, and without them it
would be an impracticable government." Can any one read Mr.
Adams' defence of the American constitutions without seeing
that he was a monarchist ? And J. Q. Adams, the son, was more
explicit than the father, in his answer to Paine's rights of man.
So much for leaders. Their followers were divided. Some went
the same lengths, others, and I believe the greater part, only
wished a stronger Executive. When I arrived at New York in
traordinary powers in conversation. He did not declaim ; he was singularly
agreeable.
" I was introduced to him as Mr. Jefferson, who, in some notes on Virginia,
had combated some of his opinions. Instead of entering into an argument, he
took down his last work, presented it to me, and said, ' When Mr. Jefferson
shall have read this, he will be perfectly satisfied that I am right.'
" Being about to embark from Philadelphia for France, I observed an un
commonly large panther skin at the door of a hatter's shop. I bought it for
half a Jo (sixteen dollars) on the spot, determining to carry it to France to con
vince Monsieur Buffon of his mistake in relation to this animal ; which he had
confounded with the cougar. He acknowledged his mistake, and said he would
correct it in his next volume.
" I attempted also to convince him of his error in relation to the common
deer and the moose of America ; he having confounded our deer with the red
deer of Europe, and our moose with the reindeer. I told him that our deer
had horns two feet long ; he replied with warmth, that if I could produce a
single specimen, with horns one foot long, he would give up the question.
Upon this I wrote to Virginia for the horns of one of our deer, and obtained a
very good specimen, four feet long. I told him also that the reindeer could
walk under the belly of our moose ; but he entirely scouted the idea. Where
upon I wrote to General Sullivan of New Hampshire. I desired him to send
me the bones, skin, and antlers of our moose, supposing they could easily be
procured by him. Six months afterwards my agent in England advised me
that General Sullivan had drawn on him for forty guineas. I had forgotten my
request, and wondered why such a draft had been made, but I paid it at once.
A little later came a letter from General Sullivan, setting forth the manner in
which he had complied with my request. He had been obliged to raise a com
pany of nearly twenty men, had made an excursion towards the White Hills,
camping out many nights, and had at last, after many difficulties, caught my
moose, boiled his bones in the desert, stuffed his skin, and remitted him to me.
This accounted for my debt and convinced Mr. Buffon. He promised in his
next volume to set these things right also, but he died directly afterwards.
" Madame Houdetot's society was one of the most agreeable in Paris when I
was there. She inherited the materials of which it was composed from Madame
1825] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 333
1790, to take a part in the administration, being fresh from the
French revolution, while in its first and pure stage, and conse
quently somewhat whetted up in my own republican principles,
I found a state of things, in the general society of the place,
which I could not have supposed possible. Being a stranger
there, I was feasted from table to table, at large set dinners, the
parties generally from twenty to thirty. The revolution I had
left, and that we had just gone through in the recent change of
our own government, being the common topics of conversation,
I was astonished to find the general prevalence of monarchical
sentiments, insomuch that in maintaining those of republicanism,
I had always the whole company on my hands, never scarcely
finding among them a single co-advocate in that argument, un
less some old member of Congress happened to be present. The
de Terrier and Madame Geoffrin. St. Lambert was always there, and it was
generally believed that every evening on his return home, he wrote down the
substance of the conversations he had held there with D' Alembert, Diderot, and
the other distinguished persons who frequented her house. From these con
versations he made his books.
" I knew the Baron de Grignon very well ; he was quite ugly, and one of his
legs was shorter than the other ; but he was the most agreeable person in
French society, and his opinion was always considered decisive in matters relat
ing to the theatre and painting. His persiflage was the keenest and most
provoking I ever knew.
" Madame Necker was a very sincere and excellent woman, but she was not
very pleasant in conversation, for she was subject to what in Virginia we call
the ' Budge,' that is, she was very nervous and fidgety. She could rarely remain
long in the same place, or converse long on the same subject. I have known
her get up from table five or six times in the course of the dinner, and walk up
and down her saloon to compose herself.
" Marmontel was a very amusing man. He dined with me every Thursday
for a long time, and I think told some of the most agreeable stories I ever
heard in my life. After his death, I found almost all of them in his memoirs,
and I dare say he told them so well because he had written them before in his
book.
" I wish Mr. Pickering would make a radical lexicon. It would do more
than anything else in the present state of the matter, to promote the study of
Greek among us. Jones's Greek lexicon is very poor. I have been much dis
appointed in it. The best I have ever used is the Greek and French one by
Planche."
334 THE WRITINGS OF [1825
furthest that any one would go, in support of the republican fea
tures of our new government, would be to say, " the present consti
tution is well as a beginning, and may be allowed a fair trial ; but
it is, in fact, only a stepping stone to something better." Among
their writers, Denny, the editor of the Portfolio, who was a kind
of oracle with them, and styled the Addison of America, openly
avowed his preference of mon 
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